PEOPLE OF THE ROCKY
HOMELAND
THE HISTORY OF
CREIGHTON, CRICHTON AND CREYGHTON
By: James
H. Creighton
2005
Edition

Tree of
Life 2001

This book was researched and written by
James H. Creighton
who died unexpectedly on June 10, 2005
before being able to finish this
work of a lifetime.
Compiled and edited by
Susan Creighton Curtiss
2005 -
2009
Published posthumously
in his memory.
Some
portions are fictionalized for reader interest.
Cover art and interior artwork
By
James H. Creighton.
All Rights Reserved
Copyright © by Susan Creighton Curtiss 2009
This book may not be reproduced in whole
or in part, in any form without express
permission.
For information, please contact
Susan Creighton Curtiss
|JS.CURT@VERIZON.NET
TABLE OF
CONTENTS
(SCC 5-16-09)
Credits page
1
Table of Contents page
2
Author’s Inspiration page
4
PART I: THE ROCKY HOMELAND
Chapter
1 Dragon Men of Crau page 5
2 The Men of Creighton page 9
PART II: BEYOND THE VILLA WALLS
3 Justinian’s Syrian Archer page 17
4 Longships-On-Tyne page 25
5 The Lion Goes to Sea page 29
6 The Princeling and the Lion page 33
PART III: WHEN BOYS WERE KINGS
7 Royal Orphans page 39
8 Thurstan de Crechtune page 42
9 The Lion and the Rose page
49
10 Stone Upon Stone page 57
11 Hurley-Burley page 66
12 The Black Dinner page 78
13 Douglas
Cast Down page 85
14 Flowers of the Forest page 92
15 Meet Me On the Nith page 97
16 Reformation page 100
17 Lions From the Sea page 110
18 The Silent Lion of Nassau page 112
19 Giacomo Cretonio and the Black Robes page 117
20 The Stock Exchange page 121
PART IV: SEARCHING FOR THE GOLDEN LION
Chapter 21 Prussen-Holland page 126
22 The Golden Lion page
128 23 The
Home of Lions page 129
24 The Lion of the North page 133
25 The Brotherhood page 135
26 Gold With Fins page 137
27 Life On the Memel page 142
28 The Veldpredikant page 147
PART V: THE RABBIT
Chapter 29 The Flight
of the Earls page 152
30 Sewing the Seeds page
155
31 Landlords page 157
32 Laird of Aghalane page
159
33 Which Thomas Creighton? page 163
34 Wood-Kerns and Wolves page 164
35 Pipes and Drums page 166
36 The Wedding Present page 167
37 Orange Moon Over Antrim page
170
38 Don’t Forget To Water the Potatoes page 172
TABLE OF
CONTENTS
Chapter 39 Scotch, Irish, German or Dutch? page 175
40 Herring
Chokers page 178
41 Bloody-Backs
and Linen Goods page 181
42 Evangeline page 183
43 United Empire Loyalists page 185
44 A Son for Nancy Ennis page 187
45 Rabbit Hunting page 192
PART VI: HOME
Chapter 46 Jane
Magee page 195
47 Creightonville page 199
48 Crazy
Like a Fox page 202
49 The
Neighborhood page 205
50 Bonds
of Marriage page 209
51 A
Decade of Hope page 214
52 Headstones page 216
53 The
Border Crossing page 222
54
Hillforts page 225
55
Ties That Bind page 232
56
Bursting Bubbles page 240
57
The Lion in Winter page 244
58
Diamond Hill page 245
59
Pine Island page 247
60
Last Egg in an Emptying Nest page 249
61
Forced From the Den page 251
62
Just W est of Down East page 253
63
Davy Crockett page 255
64
Atomic Kids page 258
65
Rights of Passage page 262
66
When Time Stopped page 265
67
The Laughing Leprechaun page 273
68
Into the Land of Shadows page 277
69
They Shoot Houses, Don’t They? Page 280
70
A Golden View page 281
Appendix 1: To the Memory of James H. Creighton
(1946-2005) page 285
Creighton
Coat of Arms by James H. Creighton page
286
Notations
Page for C.O.A by James H. Creighton page
287
Creighton
Banner by James H. Creighton page
288
Appendix 2: To the Memory of Patrick Crichton
(1917-2003) page 289
Appendix 3: Combined Bibliography
(Creighton, Crichton, Creyghton) page 292
Appendix 4: All
Crichton, Creighton, Creyghton Names/Heraldry page
297
AUTHOR’S
INSPIRATION

Jim hand
stitching his final tipi 2004
These words written
by Jim help us to understand a bit of what drove him to create in so many ways.
He knew his time on earth was limited; unfortunately his goals were much larger
than his time allowed him for completion. It is my pledge to complete and
distribute his two final written projects according to his wishes. I hope his
words inspire others.
Susan Creighton Curtiss.
“All men and women are born, live, suffer and die. What will distinguish
us from one another are our dreams, whether they be about worldly or unworldly
things and what we do to make them come about.
We
do not choose to be born; we do not choose our parents; we do not choose our
historical epoch, the country of our birth, or the immediate circumstances of
our upbringing. We do not, most of us, choose to die, but we do choose how we
live. It is not about what we look like or what we have. It is about taking
what we have and doing as much as we can with it. It is about learning and
growing. When we are willing to learn what we don’t know and use our
experiences, our perfections will begin to show. Collect memories and tie them
in the colors of the rainbow, to be taken out and read, containing the story of
your life. Write laughter between the lines of family tales before handing them
down to new generations who, like relay runners, eagerly wait to add to the
plot. Savor the fingerprints on windows and walls of the home, for they are the
love notes scribbled around the margins of the family’s heart. May you always speak
the truth quietly listening with an open mind when others speak.
Continue to collect the stories and pass them on to generations yet
unborn.”
James
H. Creight0n
PART I:
THE ROCKY HOMELAND
DRAGON MEN OF CRAU
It
began simply enough with questions from Dutch cousins, pondering why their
family spelling of CREYGHTON varied from the Scots CREIGHTON. The Dutch
branches of the family have been in place in Holland since the end of the 17th century and
appear to have much older contacts with the Continent. I knew nothing about
mainland European Creighton’s, especially from the Low
Countries. In correspondence with Ingrid Creyghton
and her relative, Jos
Grupping, I saw that much more had
to be done to trace the old family, so long entrenched in Lowland Scotland. Who
were these people and how did they branch out so far afield? To accomplish
this, I had to go back to the beginning. It was farther removed in time than
any of us realized.
Our
name, in one form or another, has existed as an ancient Celtic surname for 2522
years. To understand the name, one has to understand the people we descend
from, the Celts, or more specifically the Gauls and Gaels. 2600 years ago,
beginning around 600 BC, the Celts appeared as a race to the ‘civilized’ world
of Ancient Greece. Our family name appeared, already well established, 80 years
later in Athens.
They
had been evolving as a people for centuries along the upper Danube River,
migrating down from early beginnings in the Juteland Peninsular of Northern Europe, absorbing earlier cultures along the
way. The Batavi of the Netherlands
descended from these same early wanderers. Where the Danube (a Celtic name)
meets the Black Sea, they mingled with Asian
Scythians and began a 400-year intercourse (600-200 BC) with those warrior-horsemen
from the Steppes of Persia. They absorbed much of the Scythian culture and made
it their own; the horse, the two-wheeled chariots, great wagons and new burial
practices are a few examples. The Scythians introduced refined metalworking to
the ancient Celts, which they perfected into a unique art form. They began to
make and use steel weapons. The Celts also borrowed that Asian phenomenon, the
dragon, which they developed into the symbol of their fighting regiments.
From
their river settlements, they branched out all over Europe as traders, warriors
and metalworkers from Britain to west-central Turkey, becoming the dominant
groups, in time, in Southern Holland, Belgium, France, Spain, Austria,
Switzerland, Bohemia (Czechoslovakia), Romania, Hungry, the Balkans and
Northern Italy. From the mouth of the Danube,
they traveled regularly south to the Macedonian and Greek trading centers. The
beautiful textiles of the Celts and their elaborate metalwork became prized
commodities for the civilized nations, who in turn traded fine wines and
foodstuffs from Greece and Egypt. Some of
these ancient Celts remained in the city-states, perhaps as merchants,
soldiers, or hostages to assure peaceful relations between the Greeks and their
barbarian neighbors to the north.
Wherever
they went, they left place names behind to mark their wanderings; Danube, Rhine, Paris,
Belgium,
Turkish Galatia and French Gaul were names of ancient homelands. The Boii gave
their name to Bohemia
and the Italian River Po, a variant of their tribal name. As they migrated west
across the southern slopes of the Alps, they followed the rivers into
south-central Gaul (France) just north of a 200-square-mile region abutting the
Mediterranean Sea still known as Crau, ‘The Place of Stones.’ ‘Cra’ is the root
word for stone in almost all known Celtic dialects. In 520 BC, only 80 years
after the ‘official’ foundation of the Celts as a defined race, a man of Celtic
origin was born who would become a renowned Greek comic poet, the founder of
political satire, with the single surname of CRATINUS.
This
man has come down through history as Cratinus the Elder (520-423 BC), who
became famous in Athens
as a contemporary of Aristophanes and Percius. Both
of these men wrote much about the works of Cratinus. Only bits and pieces
remain of his actual writings, but his satire became the rage in Athens. To have risen to
such a level of acclaim must have been the result of hard work, for the Celts,
who were rarely if ever seen, were then almost unknown as a people. It was
three years after the birth of Cratinus that the Greek historian and
adventurer, Hecateus
de Milelus, first coined the word
naming the people of the interior. In an expedition north along the river Po, he encountered the Boii and related tribes whom he
called “Keltoi,” The Hidden People. Perhaps Cratinus was a child of a Celtic
envoy taken to Athens
for diplomatic reasons. Whatever his origins, the name Cratinus remained intact
for roughly 5 generations. During the time of Alexander
the Great, Cratinus the ‘Younger’ (356-316 BC) was in Athens, also a famous comic or satirical
poet, born 164 years after his ancestor.
The
most probable link to this family and the Greeks was the ancient Greek colony
of Massilia (Marseilles),
in use as a trade center since 600 BC. It was from here that Hecateus de
Milelus ventured into the mountains and the
headwaters of the Po to name the Keltoi. From
here also sailed the Greek explorer and mathematician, Pytheus, who in 325 BC,
circumnavigated the British Isles, naming them
“Pretani,” the ‘Land of the Painted People.’ The Romans later altered this name
to ‘Brittaini, or Britain.
During the time of Cratinus the Elder, the colony of Massilia introduced the
Hellenic Culture to the Celts of the Rhone
River, where they had trading posts as
far north as Toulouse
among the Volcae
Tectosages, the Vocontii, the
Allobroges and the Ambarri confederacies.
For
centuries, the Keltoi established themselves in permanent locations and began
evolving into distinct sub-cultures. The mother tongue, which is reported to
have been closer to Old Welsh than the modern Irish and Scots Gael, began to
change as groups became separated from one another over time. Those who chose
northern Spain and Portugal
became the Iberian Gauls (Gaulii is the name applied by the Romans; the Germans
called them ‘Kelten.’). These were warlike Celts who either drove out, or
assimilated portions of the indigenous Basque Pictonii tribes. The Pictonii
were of the same groups who had settled Scotland as early as 1000 BC, to
become the Picts, ‘the Painted People.’ The Iberian Celts were great sea
raiders, migrating to lands along the southern French coast and at some point
venturing to Ireland
to become the Gaels. In Ireland,
their language altered to become the distinct “Q,” or Goidelic, Celtic dialect.
The Iberian Celts who migrated to coastal France below Brittany
retained the older “P” or Brythonic dialect. In the region that the Romans
would call Aquitania, the Iberian Celts and the Pictonii would head a coalition
of related coastal tribes who portions of eventually mingled with the
Aremorican tribes of Brittany, becoming the
Cymric-Celts (Cumri), ancestors of the modern Welsh. They were great traders,
traveling to Britain
in their ships often to trade sheep and wines for tin, lead, gold and silver.
Many of the Cymric Celts, such as the Dumnonni, Durotriges and Silure
established strongholds or trading centers on the Severn River to be closer to
the tin mines of Devon and Cornwall. It was from this mixed group called Cumri
that I believe the Creighton line sprung, probably through the Brigante, who
had established a colony in northern Britain,
in present Yorkshire and Durham.
The Brigante, from old Roman
writings, can be traced to four major regions. I would suspect that, along with the
Carnutes, both were remnants of one or two original mother clans, with the
Carnutes as religious leaders (Druids) and the Brigante as the civic and war
leaders of the Celts. In the Austrian Tyrol at Lake Constance,
the Brigantii tribe ruled for centuries. The Romans called Lake Constance
on the Rhine
Brigantium Lacus,
or Lake Brigantii. Their region of Austria was
called Raetia. A second region was in the Cottian Alps at the Roman town of Brigantio.
A third and major group, possibly separated for 1000 years, were the Gallaeci Brigantes
of northern Spain, who
fostered the Irish and Scotti tribes of Ireland. From their capitol of
Corunna in Brigantium
Hispania, they were the terminus
of the great British tin, gold, silver and lead trade to the civilized nations
of the Mediterranean, Greece
and Egypt.
To administer this trade, king Broegan of Spain had established the Brigante
colony at York, in Britain, far in
the shadowy past.
In any event, the Cratinus line had existed intact
for 164 years during the Grecian Era. There is the possibility that they
originated from the Gallic region of southern France, perhaps with the
migrating Brigante or Boii, who had moved deep into Gaul from their old
mountain haunts, north of Massilia in the Crau Region, the ‘Place of Stones’.
As Roman occupation increased, the
Boii left the southern region to join the Aquitani, and in turn, the Aremorican
tribes, as fighting with Rome
began. If Cratinus the Elder’s line originated from the Lower
Rhone, then the Crau region would, in fact, have been ‘The Rocky
Homeland.’
In the
modern Welsh, which descend from the ancient mother tongue, our name is found
in the definitions of rock, or rocky. There are multiple words with the same
meaning, but ‘rocky,’ as an adjective, is Creighiog. The
noun ‘Rocky Place’
in the feminine gender, becomes Creigle, the masculine gender is rendered
Creigleoedd. As a side note, the adjective ‘Crych,’ used in many old Scots
documents (Thurstan de Crechtune) means rippling, curly, or quavering…for
some reason, it does not fit. It was merely the spelling for the time. ‘Craig,’ using the root ‘Cra,’ means steep cliff or
rocky outcropping. Craig developed
into a separate Scottish clan. From these findings, I believe ‘Creighiog’
indicates that ‘Creighton’ is most probably the original surname, meaning
‘From the Rocky Homestead.’
By 150
BC, the region north of Brittany had become a great
trading center. The Gauls of this region to the River Rhine, in modern Holland, were called the
Gaulii-Belgae. The confederated Belgae tribes had long ago intermarried with
German tribesmen from across the Rhine
and this mixed race developed into a great power. They began minting their own
gold coins, trading extensively throughout Europe and the British
Isles. Many had alternate territories in Britain from a
very early date. The Belgae-Cantii were long established south of the Thames (the early Greeks called this region Kanttion), as
were the Trinovantes and Catuvellauni north of the river.
And so
we find a world west of the Rhine from Holland to Northern Italy almost entirely Celtic in
culture as Rome
rose as a world power. In 58 BC, Gaius Julius
Caesar entered Gaul
as the new Roman
Governor, to pacify it and bring
it into the fold as a part of the empire. To greet him were over 90 separate
tribes, each one clinging to home territories and river valleys. His initial
purpose was to prevent a mass migration of the powerful Hellvetii Tribe, which
had lived in the high Alpine valleys of Switzerland for centuries. If they
were allowed to move down into Western Gaul,
the combined Celtic opposition would be overwhelming. The 360,000 Helvetii had
burned their homes and were massed at the Rhone
River at Lake Geneva, at the northern
border of the province
of Further Gaul. They had
talked the Boii, Tigurini and other tribes into joining them; they did not plan
to return to their homelands. Meeting them in southern Burgundy, Caesar, with his legions, turned
back the migrating Celts. Over 250,000 were killed, 110,000 Helvetii were sent
back to their old homeland, defeated.
Rome had,
for some time, colonies in what is now southern France
and northern Italy,
which they called The Province, or Nearer Gaul. It provided a land route from Italy to Spain
along the coastal region south of the Alps.
The coastal Celts around Marseilles
were ‘Romanized’ and had asked for citizenship and protection from their
northern cousins in Further Gaul. The Helvetii attempt to migrate to the
lowlands became the political reason for sending in the legions, but the
overall reason was conquest of the combined tribes of Further Gaul. The general
populace back in Rome considered many of the
tribes and even the British Isles
mythological.
Caesar’s
incursion into Gaul resulted in 9 full years
of summer campaigns against the confederated Celtic tribes. To promote his
political career, he kept a daily journal, which became his 7-book volume, Commentaries
on the Gallic War. He wrote in simple, but descriptive terms, locating
every tribe encountered, with names of their tribal leaders. Some of these
Celtic leaders can be traced directly to modern families. The Atrebate ‘king’
(High Chief) Comminus became the ancestor of the House of Comyn, now Clan
Cumming of Scotland. Somewhere in this menagerie were the ancestors of Clan
Creighton.
Caesar began
by dividing Gaul into four main military
districts. The south, adjoining Spain,
was Aquitania, holding mostly coastal Iberian
Gallic sea raiders. To the north, including the Brittany Peninsular
and Normandy, were the confederated Aremorican
tribes, which included the Veneti and Osismi tribes of Brittany,
the Carnutes on the Loire and the Parisii on the Seine.
Among the powerful Carnutes were the training centers and sacred sites of the
Druids, the religious leaders of the Celts of Gaul. As the wars escalated, the
mountain strongholds of western Brittany
became the last holdout for most hostile tribes. Caesar called the vast central
portion the Lands of the Celtae, or ‘Greater Gaul’, and north of the Seine to
the Rhine was home of the confederated Belgae tribes
of Picardy (France),
Belgium and southern Holland, Gallia Belgica.
This entire region was also referred to as ‘Long-Haired Gaul.’
The Roman campaigns began with the northern Belgae and
the Aremorican tribes of Brittany and Normandy. The following
year Caesar routed the Aremorican
Veneti tribes of western Brittany, destroying their hill forts and forcing
thousands to flee to Cornwall, Devon and Wales. His
legions also entered Aquitania and subdued the Iberian Celts, driving them
north, while other legions went to subjugate the Belgae tribes once again in
present day Belgium.
Many more fled their homelands for Britain, seeking refuge with tribal
members already located there. One Belgae group was the Iceni, who settled in present
East Anglia and Norfolk near their
Trinovante cousins.
55 BC
was the pivotal year. Caesar began with lightning
raids across the Rhine deep into Germany, then assembled the legions on the coast
and bullied the Morini and other coastal tribes into building a fleet, to
attack Britain.
He had found an ally in the Atrebate king, Commius, who also claimed territory
in Britain south of the Thames in present Hampshire. He sent Commius on ahead to
council the Britons (British Celts) and then set sail with two legions for the
coast of Kent.
The expedition ended in failure, the fleet was destroyed in a storm and the
British reception was hostile. Patching a few ships back together, Caesar limped back across the channel, vowing to return the
following year in force.
Return
he did, with five legions in 600 vessels, accompanied by 200 private merchant
ships from the Veneti and other coastal tribes. In two short months, Caesar led his legions inland to, and across the Thames, deep into Catuvellauni lands. Dozens of battles
were fought as tribes all across Britain rushed to turn back the
Romans, but to no avail. Caesar forced them to
submit and demanded annual tribute and hostages to take home to Rome.
Caesar’s
‘conquest’ of Britain
brought him much fame, but the island would not be revisited (by a Roman army) for another 93 years. He spent the last
four years of his Gallic campaigns (53, 52, 51, 50 BC) in much the same manner,
sending now 10 full legions to all points of Gaul
to quell uprisings. The Belgae in the north were especially troublesome as Roman garrisons replaced Celtic hillforts (Oppidias)
all across Further Gaul. Many tribes turned sides and began fighting for the
Romans as cavalry troops and scouts, while old allies, like Comminus and his
Atrebates, fought against Caesar.
In 52
BC a massive uprising occurred when the Carnutes raided the grain stores at
Cenabum, present Orleans.
This Roman garrison was deep within the Carnute homeland, used annually as a
wintering post for Caesar’s legions. A charismatic leader arose from Caesars
ranks of Celtic cavalry. His name was Vercingetorix of the Aedui tribe and
soon, he had an army of over 80,000 Celtic warriors at his command. Many came
to his call to arms from as far away as Spain
and Britain, converging at a
hillfort in Burgundy
named Alicia. It was the last large
battle, the great Gallic army was crushed and Vercingetorix surrendered.
Caesar’s old friend Comminus fled to Britain to remain as king of the
British Atrebates at modern Silchester, Hampshire.
Caesar
prepared to return to Rome,
but faced two more years of resistance. The Belgae had formed a new
confederation with the tribes north of present Paris and the
homeland of the Parisii. Some of the German tribes across the Rhine were prepared to fight for their Celtic
neighbors, all led by a chieftain called Ambiorix of the Celtic Eburones. After
much fighting, this rebellion was put down, but only after great losses on both
sides. The Parisii had taken a terrible beating in these last campaigns. They
left their home island in the Seine where Notre Dame Cathedral stands today and
sought asylum in northern Britain
with the Brigante. They settled in modern Umberside, just north of the mouth of
the Umber River.
Caesar’s
last campaign was in the south, as the remaining hostile Iberian tribes of Aquitania rose in defiance of Roman
occupation. The last battle was on the Dordogne River
at Uxellodunum in 50 BC.
Just
which tribe the Creighton’s originally sprang from will never be known. The
place-name tying them to a rocky homeland could have been anywhere, but the old
family Cratinus hints at a tremendously ancient beginning, as old as the Celts
as a known race. By 50 BC, they were long accustomed to both Greek and Roman administrations of the Gallic world. The House
of Creighton may have remained semi-civilized patrons of the Romans, or part of
the mass migrations to the wilds of Brittany
and beyond to western England
with the Cumri (Welsh) tribes. They may also have been Parisii, moving directly
to northeast England
as a result of Roman warfare in 51 BC.
Until someone closely inspects the Roman
writings for this period for name similarities, we may never have an answer.
During
the 93 years preceding the Roman
occupation of Britain
as a province, the Celts of Gaul became almost totally Roman in nature. The
remaining Belgae and Aremoricans prospered as they borrowed the best of Roman
culture and infused it with their own unique Celtic heritage. As light infantry
and cavalry, they joined the ranks of the Roman
legions to fight throughout the Empire.
THE MEN OF CREIGHTON
We
tend to think of Britain
during these interim years of 50BC to 43AD as devoid of Roman influence. The
Britons, for the most part, were fiercely independent and hostile toward Roman interference, but Rome did retain an ongoing contact with the
British Belgae. Because many, like the Atrebates shared lands on both sides of
the Channel, many encouraged Roman
civic rule, but in the west and north, the Cumri kept to themselves. They too
had lands in both Brittany and the
West Country of Britain, but their only contacts with Rome
were in trade, especially from the tin mines in present Somerset
and Devonshire. The word ‘Welsh’ did not come
into existence for another 400 years with the arrival of the Germanic and
Scandinavian sea raiders.
The
Creighton’s may have acted as intermediaries for the Romans, being middlemen in
the trade with the West Country. With such a long history extending back to
ancient Greece,
they were in a good position to provide these services. It also ties into
future dealings with this family as primarily high-ranking service people to
regional administrations. The British tribes, whether Belgae or Cumri, were
inter related through marriage and many of these families had lands and relations
on both sides of the English Channel.
Of
course it was the Cumri
Brigante who I have always related
with the old family Creighton, because of that tribe’s early land holds in
modern Yorkshire. A future Creighton would
(perhaps) come out of this region along the Umber River
to settle lands in Lowland Scotland. When Rome
eventually occupied Britain
in 43 AD, the Cumri
Silure and Dumnonii were the
dominant leaders of the southwest. Their Brigante, Parisii and Corvetii cousins
controlled the north. The combined Cumri
formed a barrier to Roman rule from Cornwall in the south to
modern Galloway and Dumfies in the north. The
Creighton’s evidently found a niche among the northern Cumri, somewhere between
modern eastern Yorkshire and western Cumberland
(Cumri-land).
One
interesting story of note occurred around the time of the birth of Christ. A Roman
ambassador, traveling in the county of the Southern Picts of Caledonia
to arrange a treaty, brought his pregnant wife along. During negotiations his
wife gave birth, near Loch Tay at present Fortingall. The son born to this
couple was Pontius
Pilate. When he became governor of
Judea, he remembered the place of his birth and imported palace guards in Jerusalem from the Lowlands
along the Pictish/Brigante frontier. Hadrian’s
Wall
230 years elapsed. Rome had turned Britain into a
carbon copy of Roman
Gaul, with Britons sharing the
lifestyle of their Latin administrators. Where once proud hillforts stood,
Roman villas, cities and garrisons now dotted the countryside from Kent to Hadrian’s Wall
(photo above) on the northern frontier. The eastern Belgae had become so
assimilated in Roman ways that they
thought of themselves as Roman,
whether they were from Gaul or Britain.
Christianity had become the state religion and an infant Celtic church flowered
with bases of operation in Wales
and Yorkshire. The once hostile Cumri of the
West and North Country formed an alternate ruling body with Rome, with Dumnonii, Silure and Brigante
chieftainships rising to power as alternate ‘Kings of the Britons.’ Although
they, as a people, demanded independence from direct Roman
rule, Rome had
found that the best way to appease the Cumri was to place them in charge of the
islands ‘natives.’ Only the Picts of Caledonia stood in the way of total Roman
control of the province
of Britannia. The
mainstay of the Roman military
presence on the frontier, however, became the Gallic auxiliaries, not local
Britons.
The House of Creighton, if they were in fact working for the Roman administration in the north, would nave done so
as civilians, at least after 69 AD. British Celts were banned from bearing arms
in the Roman army after that time, due
to the Iceni Rebellion that almost drove the Romans out of Britain, under Queen Boadicea. This
single fact leads to a distinct problem when it comes to our family history. I
am still going on the assumption that they were in place as local Celts south
of Hadrian’s Wall, but now I see that they also may have had alternate home
ties with the older tribal lands in Gaul.
This
was a time of frequent travel to and from Rome.
Many wealthy Celtic Britons were now full citizens and sent their sons to the
cities of Gaul or on to Rome
to attend the classical schools. In 203 AD, Pope Victor sent the first Roman Catholic
missionaries into present Scotland
to oversee the Celtic
Culdee Church,
which was following their own crude tenants. For the most part, Christianity in
any form in the north was rare. In 273 AD a philosopher named CRATON appeared
in Rome with
his wife and children, possibly on state business as an ambassador. While
there, he met Saint Valentine of Terni and he fell under his teachings. Craton
converted and his entire family accepted the Christian Faith,
only to be martyred soon after during a brief anti-Christian purge in the Eternal City.
By
283 AD, only 10 years after Craton’s conversion, the Roman legions were
becoming overburdened with the far-flung responsibility of protecting
territories that included Africa, Asia Minor, Gaul and Britain. Germanic Goths and
Visigoths were beginning to venture across the borders into Italy and Gaul,
causing concern of new attacks. At the
same time, other Roman legions were
made up entirely of German troops. Rome
had learned to depend more and more on non-Latin soldiers and cavalry to fill
her ranks. Even before Caesar’s time, Rome
had conscripted regiments of African slingers and Syrian archers. Most of her
cavalry was now made up of Gallic and German warriors. In Britain, especially along Hadrian’s
Wall, the defense depended on these continental auxiliaries.
Throughout
the mid 3rd century the Caledonian Picts raided deep into the Roman
occupied regions. After a century of subduing the Cumri of the west, Rome now looked to their
old enemies for help against the Painted People. Hadrian’s Wall at the
northern border of Brigantium (Land of the Brigantes) had been in place for 150
years, with the smaller Antonian Wall forming the northernmost barrier
from the Firth of Forth to modern Glasgow. The land in between
became a no man’s land, encompassing what is today southern Scotland from Galloway to East
Lothian to the English border. Through the center of this no man’s
land ran the Cheviot Hills and the rivers Treed and Clyde.
This is where the family Creighton began in historic times, but among the Roman military auxiliaries.
The
Cumri warriors of the north possibly supported the Romans, but could not join
the legions because of the old anti-British Celtic ban. They operated
independently, warring on the Picts as they had always done.
Any of
us doing genealogical research anywhere in the British
Isles are aware that ‘official’ time began with the Norman
invasion of 1066. For Scottish research, 95% of family histories begin around
1124 with the reign of King David
I. In this light, Thurstan
de Crechtune has become our
earliest ancestor, being recorded as a witness to the foundation of Holyrood
House Abbey in 1128. Added to this is the common theory that surnames as we
know them today were a Norman invention. Nothing could be further from the
truth. Surnames arrived in the British Isles
with the Romans in 43 AD. By 283 AD, all but the most isolated British tribes
had borrowed the Roman practice,
including the family Creighton.
24
years ago, I found an old book on the history of Scottish surnames on a dusty
shelf at Boston Public Library. An Edinburgh
genealogist who had spent his life searching the Lowlands
for signs of Roman occupation wrote it
in 1854. He had catalogued hundreds of inscriptions taken from ancient marker
stones and was an authority on the military garrisons along Hadrian’s
and the Antonian Walls. Under Creighton (listed as Crichton)
he wrote of one JUSTINIAN CREIGHTONAI, honored veteran of the Pict Frontier as
receiving a Roman land grant near Dun
Edin (Edinburgh). From that same book, I learned
from this man’s research the meaning of the family name. He placed it as ‘From
the Rocky Homeland’ and went on to guess where it originated. His thoughts on
the ‘Rocky Homeland’ were old Strathclyde, Sutherland,
or ‘Southumberland,’ being the northern reaches of modern Lincolnshire.
Of course,
he was thinking as a modern Scotsman, trying to trace a known Scots family. His
vision, although he was a Roman historian, began and ended with his local interests
in and around Edinburgh;
most of us do the same in our thinking.
The no
man’s land between the walls was well documented throughout the 367 year Roman
occupation of Britain.
In the second century AD, Cleopatra’s cousin,
Ptolemy of Alexandria (Claudius
Ptolemaeus), wrote an extensive
geography of this region, placing 9 Roman
military garrisons within its confines. He was one of about a half a dozen
noted scholars who devoted much time to record the expansion of the Empire and
looking at all of the known sources, the region where Justinian Creightonai
settled comes alive with activity.
Along
with the nine major garrisons north of Hadrian’s Wall,
dozens of smaller outposts, marching camps, civilian homesteads and private
villas dotted the countryside. The Southern Picts
had become subdued and romanized, to a degree, working hand in hand with the Roman officials and the Brigante overlords to keep
the peace with their northern cousins. Creightonai’s new land holdings were in
the lands of the Selgovae and Otalini Picts, who were migrating west into
Galloway with the Celtic-Parisii, who had been transplanted from the Umber River
to form a barrier to the Highland Picts.
Crichton
Castle
The
remains of Castle Crichton (Photo above) stand on the original farmstead of
Justinian Creightonai. Just outside and probably under the castle walls is
still visible old Roman era stone
works, foundations of possibly the first villa or a garrison. One or both of
the Roman marching camps were very near, or on Creighton lands.
Of
course, the family land grant would in time become the barony of Creighton, the
oldest such barony in Midlothian and one of the first in modern-day Scotland.
Today it is the ancient seat centered on the village
of Crichton, near Pathhead, 12 miles
southeast of Edinburgh
Castle. Just west of Edinburgh at the head of the Forth and the eastern end of the Antonian Wall was the
important garrison of Elginhaugh (Cramond) at Newbridge. It was built in 140 AD
as the northern outpost of a system of forts, supplied by the larger fort of
Trimontium (Newstead, Borders) on Hadrian’s Wall,
36 miles to the southeast. In Dumfries, a third fortification, Blatobulgium,
defended the west country of Galloway.
Connecting these forts were temporary marching camps, large enough to hold from
one cohort (600-800 men) to a full legion of 10 cohorts. From Elginhaugh on the
Forth radiated roads between the emplacements
and it supported 7 marching camps, 2 being at Pathhead on the road to
Trimontium.
What was the story of Justinian Creightonai? He was but
one of thousands of legionnaires active in this region during that time, many
from other lands and countries. Retired and pensioned in 283AD, he would have
spent at least 25 years in the military as a regular, or as an auxiliary
infantryman or cavalry soldier. That would have made his time of birth around
238AD and active in the legions from about 258-283AD.
Two
cohorts of the 12th Legion, ‘Valiant and Victorious’ constructed the fort at
Cramond in 139AD. A German contingent,
the 1st Cohort Cugerni manned it for decades after that. In 230AD,
the fort was again under the command of the 12th Legion and they may
have still been active along the Antonian Wall when Justinian came of age.
Other cohorts there were of the Vocontian Wing of Gallic Cavalry from the
Vocontii tribe of the Rhone River in Gaul. In
Dumfries, Blatobulgium was home of the Gallic Second Cohort of Tungrians, who
also held stations in Cumbria
as well as Cramond over the years.
Across
Hadrian’s Wall into Brigantium were many fortifications; the main one along the
wall was called Housesteads Fort, or Borcovicium. It was first built in 128AD,
later improvements occurred in 197, 267 and 296AD. The Gallia Belgica Auxiliary
Infantry commanded this emplacement, supported by Syrian archers. At Horrea
Classis in Fife, below the Creighton lands,
the Second Augusta Legion commanded just north of the wall. Just prior to
Justinian’s, retirement the fort at Housesteads received new reinforcements
from present Holland.
They were called the Cuneus Frisor, or Frisian Cavalry Irregulars, Germanic
troops from Tuihantis (modern Twenthe, Holland).
It is
from this information that I see that Justinian Creightonai may not have been a
British Celt at all, but an auxiliary from Gaul.
There is no evidence that Craton the Philosopher was British, only that he was
converted and died in Rome
10 years before. My gut feeling is that both of these men were related and from
Brigantium, but we must take the Gallic connection into account as another
possibility.
The
Roman Auxiliary Forces who were stationed on the double walls and at the
surrounding forts were multi-national. The enticement for joining the Roman legions, for up to 25-year enlistments, was
full citizenship and land pensions. Some British cohorts were made up of Greek
slaves, seeking lands and fame. This is how the Dutch Frisians and German
Angles and Saxons made a foothold on the island, as auxiliary forces or the Roman Army.
The one cohort that now stands out like a sore thumb is the Vocontian
Wing of Gallic Cavalry, stationed at Cramond on the Forth
during Justinian’s enlistment period. The fort was less than 20 miles from his
eventual homestead. The Vocontii tribe, still in place in their home region on
the Rhone River,
was from the Crau Region north of Marseilles,
where Cratinus the Elder was born 803 years before.
And so you see, this long-ago time that we tend to generalize as Roman, British or Pict was very complex, along the
walls. It was the frontier of a giant empire, but it was not the vast
wastelands where lone soldiers hid behind earthen ramparts, waiting for the
blue-painted barbarians to sweep down from the Highlands.
Lowland Scotland, Cumbria and Northumbria
teemed with military cities, tribal capitols, civilian centers, grain storage
facilities and road and sea links that went all the way to Rome. Craton the Philosopher could
have come from this area and could have been related to Justinian Creightonai.
One died a martyr to a new religion in distant Rome. The other retired as an old soldier
with a veteran’s grant and pension, probably praying to the adopted Persian god
Mithus and his own Celtic deities until he died. Or were their roots in the
“Petite Crau,” those western Alps of Southeastern France along the ancient
River Rhone?
Rome left for good in 410 AD, abandoning the British to
their fate. In the south, the Silure and Dumnonii held on to their Roman ways, trying to keep the now British-Celtic
legions together. In the north, the Brigante Confederacy did the same, to keep
the Picts at bay. Great Romano-British kings arose from both groups, sending
Celtic armies to Gaul to help fight Visagothic and Allamanni raiders
threatening Rome.
At home, invasions of Germanic Saxons, Frisians and Angles and Irish, Scotti
and Norwegian raiders threatened the very lifestyle of the island. The time of King Arthur came and
went. The Germans overran the east and north while the Scotti and Norwegian
Vikings, with help from the Picts, took over West Galloway
and Argyle.
The
Creightonai homestead in Lothian survived it all, but the land itself changed
allegiances with each new century. For long periods of time, Vikings ruled over
Creighton lands. The old villa and Roman
works fell away to a stronger stone house, but it’s isolated and unassuming
location in the rolling hill country must have kept it safe from attack. Of the
family we know nothing, other than their being survivors in what was still a
frontier.
While
Angles took over the region south of the Forth,
Norwegian Vikings sought inroads in Brigantium, coaxing the still dominant
Brigantes into a confederation of trade and land use. The Danes did the same in
the east-central portion of Britain
among the Belgae tribes. Saxons took the entire south, barred only by the Welsh
of the southwest. With William the Conqueror in 1066, Franco-Vikings (Normans) came to form a
new society, based on the continental feudal system.
In
Lothian, new administrators fought over proper spelling of old Celtic names,
butchering most in the process. The next written rendition of the family name
appeared in 1086, with the maps that accompanied the Domesday Survey for the
Norman tax collectors. Whoever recorded the lands of
Lothian,
whether Norman, Saxon or Scandinavian, placed the Creighton homestead on the
Domesday Map as the lands of KREKTUN, not Creighton.
It
must have been hard for foreign ears to try and spell a Celtic, or more
specifically, a Welsh name. This entire region, especially Dumfries and Galloway to the River Clyde, retained the old Welsh far
into the 1100’s. Listen to a Welshman today and you try to spell anything that
comes out of his mouth…it can’t be done without knowledge of the language!
When
the Domesday Survey was conducted, 803 years had elapsed since the time of
Justinian Creightonai, the identical number of years that had occurred from
Cratinus the Elder’s time to that of Justinian Creightonai. That means that
from 283 AD, thousands of Justinian’s descendants could have appeared on stage.
If you figure roughly three generations per century, 16-20 generations could
have populated the Lowlands and probably Northumbria by 1086. But they were
still British Celts. The old homestead would have remained an inheritance of
the sons, but the bulkof each generation would have found Dumfries and Galloway
home, in Strathclyde.
It had
come with the incursion of Angles and Norwegians into Brigantium around 500 AD.
The ruling Brigante-Corvetii coalition had allowed the Germans and Vikings
access to lands around and in York, but they, as a unified tribal group, began
to retire west into the Corvetii lands of Cumbria and north of the Solway Forth
(and Hadrian’s Wall) into Galloway and Dumfries, to the River Clyde. The
Parisii were already there, intermingled with the native Southern
Picts. This region from Cumbria
to the Clyde, excluding the Scots-Viking Kingdom of Dalraida in Argyle, became
the Kingdom of Strathclyde. It was the last holdout for
the northern Cumri, including the House of Creighton. It was here, primarily in
Dumfries, Annandale
and Nithdale that the family truly evolved over those long years of transition.
This
was done in classic Celtic terms of inheritance. Where the Norman system was to
allot an estate to the first-born son alone, the old Cymric system allotted
lands and possessions to all offspring. If there was more than one son,
family lands were divided equally. On a high level, this could result in new
kingdoms, as the Dumnonii lands split into the Kingdom
of Corneu (Cornwall)
and the Kingdom of Dumnonia (Devon and Somerset). On the lesser Creighton level, the
original Creightonai estates would have been subdivided son-to-son and
grandson-to-grandson until the land base was depleted. Ensuing generations had
to look far afield to acquire new lands for future generations. Daughters were
as likely to receive land, as were their brothers. Since the lands of Fife, Tayside and the Lothians were primarily in
‘foreign’ hands until the 1100’s, the Creighton’s would have followed the
Brigantes into Strathclyde to preserve their Celtic heritage, always searching
for new lands.
In
Strathclyde, they became local ‘Lairds,’ small-time landowners and civic and
military leaders of small farming communities. They fell under the direct
patronage of the local Lord or regional leader for the ruling Celtic king of
Strathclyde. Many may have entered the Church as laymen and priests, being
present when the Scots and Picts were Christianized. As Kenneth Macalpine rose
as the First King of Scots (843-860), the Creighton’s probably entered as low
key court officials, beginning a 700-year association with the ruling Houses of
Scotland.
This
was also a time that may have seen many from the family return to Gaul as mercenaries
to the Frankish kings of France. It is reputed
that the Emperor Charlemagne
(Charles the Great, 742-814) imported
palace guards from the Lowlands, but it was
his son, Louis the Pious (806-843),
who made it an official practice. The “Grande Alliance” would last, on and off,
until the 1700’s. The main French Royal Guards and army mercenaries would be
archers and infantrymen from Dumfries and Galloway
for generations.
During
the Hundred Year’s War between England
and France, Sir John
Crichton of Dumfries led an
undisclosed number of men-at-arms and archers to help the French lift the siege
of Orleans in
1428. His was one of many locally raised Dumfries
contingents under Earl
Archibald Douglas,
numbering 6,000 strong. At Orleans,
they fought under Saint Joan of Arc. As a reward from the king,
many received lands and titles. Sir
John Crichton
was appointed Governor of Chatillion-sur-Indre; his friend Sir William
Hamilton became Duke of
Chatellerault and Earl
Archibald Douglas
became Duke of Touraine.
There
is one last item to explore. In some old histories of Scotland, the
family Creighton is passed off as being Hungarian from the early 11th
century! I am surprised that no one else has questioned it, I have been aware
of the story for years. It derives from a noted historian of the Shakespearean
Era, an Englishman, named Raphael
Holinshed. In the late 1500’s, he
wrote very detailed histories of England,
Scotland and Ireland. His
works appeared to be so well researched that William Shakespeare
used them as source material for many of his plays, including Macbeth.
The trouble was, Holinshed never left England.
All of his data was from old books and second-hand information.
He
wrote a very detailed lineage of King Macbeth
and for the most part, it followed known history. While writing about the reign
of Malcolm III Ceannmore
(1057-1093), Holinshed wrote of the marriage of Malcolm to the Princess Margaret Atheling,
normally called Margaret of Hungary. Born and raised at the royal court in Hungary,
she was actually a British-Saxon and sister to the Saxon heir to the English
throne, Edward
Atheling, grandnephew of the old
Saxon king. The Norman invasion had caused King Edward the Confessor to send his family to
Hungary for protection and
now that William of Normandy sat on the throne, Prince
Edward, his mother and sisters Margaret and Christina
were forced to travel to Scotland.
Margaret married Malcolm
as his second wife, and according to Holinshed, the
first Creighton to enter Scotland
came as part of Margaret’s retinue.
Because
of the antiquity of Holinshed’s writings, many
historians have taken it as absolute truth. The sad thing is, they have never
taken time to dispute it, or follow history as it happened. The Creighton’s
historically were service-oriented people, especially to the ruling houses.
There is no reason to doubt that they would have been active with the Saxon
royalty, negotiating dealings between the Saxons and the Scots, or with the Normans and the Saxons. The Norman invasion was not a sudden
occurrence; the political and family wrangling went on for 100 years before William finally claimed the throne.
The
Lowland Creighton’s were active church people and in touch with the continental
church, traveling as clergy, tutors and priests. We have seen that they had
ample opportunity to work in France as military men,
as well. The French Royal Guards were farmed out all over Europe
to help other kingdoms. There were vast quantities of Scottish advisors in Sweden, Holland, France, Belgium,
Hungary and even parts of Germany and Russia.
The
most logical explanation to Holinshed’s claim is
that Malcolm
III negotiated the
marriage beforehand, which was a common practice for royal weddings throughout Europe. The Creighton’s were as apt as anyone to have
been sent from Scotland to Hungary to do
just that. The returning party entered Britain
at London, staying for some time at William’s court before traveling to Scotland. The
Norman officials were more in line to record people’s names upon entry, where Scotland was
still backward and non-literate for the most part. Holinshed
probably found the old ship’s passenger lists and recorded everyone in the
Saxon contingent as being Hungarian. There are other Scottish families that
have received this same distinction. I think that the King of Scots sent a
large group of his countrymen to Hungary to bring home a bride.
For
the sake of convenience, it seems that Scotland, especially, has ‘tidied
up’ many old surnames. Creighton is not the only multi-spelled name on the
books. Wherever you look in modern records and histories, it is rendered CRICHTON, pronounced Cry-ton. Often, we as well tend to
isolate certain famous family members that bear this spelling as being
something special, as if they were set apart. Because the current titled lines
all use Crichton, it must be so. Again, nothing
could be further from the truth. The name variations for Creighton and many of
their neighbors is simply a progression of history due to prevailing language
changes and personal preference.
Using
the preceding narrative as well as the official recordings of Scottish clans as
sanctioned by the Standing Council of Scottish Chiefs, much can be learned
about how the family names altered over the centuries. We will first look at
the family Cumming. Officially, they are “of Norman origin, the name derived
from Comines near Lisle in northern France, on the frontier with Belgium. They
claimed to be directly descended from the Emperor Charlemagne. Robert de Comyn
came to England
with William the Conqueror in 1066 and
was given lands in Northumberland…”
On
first inspection, this is not unlike hundreds of other current families
throughout the British Isles, claiming ties with the Normans. For most,
it is wonderful to have documentation going back as far as 1066, most Scottish
Lowlander’s history officially begins much later, in 1124 with the rise of David I. We now know that this ‘Norman’ family was
originally Belgae-Celtic, from the Atrebate tribes, whose original territory in
Gaul was in west-central Belgium.
Their famous client-king was Comminus, who, with his offspring, ruled as
British Atrebates for centuries from Hampshire. Being one of the major Belgae
tribes, the House of Comminus retained their old lands in Belgium as
well. The Gallic branch became Romano-Celts and later was incorporated into the
Frankish kingdom
of Charlemagne. The
British branch became Anglo-Saxon.
Another
is the Lowland family Leask. The official records place the first known family
member on the Ragman Rolls of 1298 and are listed as “Anglo-Saxon’ in origin.
Again, this is an ancient family of Gaul, from the tribe Haedui, whose
homelands were around Boulogne.
In early French documents, the de Lesques owned the
great castle of Boulogne, once used by Charlemagne.
The
list goes on and on. The family Creighton, we now see, may share a similar
history, through the Vocontii Tribe of south-central France.
As Creighton, the name carries on as a direct link to an ancient mother tongue.
If we take a closer look at the French lines with similar sounding names, we
may find that the family has existed there for over 2000 years.
Recently,
I found an old will dated in the late 1500’s for a woman who was married to a Crichton. She was Agnes Mowbray,
whose family was prominent as servants to Queen Mary of Scots. Her husband was Mary’s Lord Advocate, Robert Crichton
of Eliock (Dumfries), the father of James, ‘The Admirable Crichton.’ This, in itself, is
the kind of thing that we all find in our ongoing research. What is important
in this case, however, is a transcript of the will in its original text. If it
were British from this time period, it would have been entirely in Latin. This
one is a mixture of 17th century Scottish, Old English, Latin and
God only knows what. Some words are so altered from any known English that they
defy description, but throughout is an unmistakable Scots inflection in written
form. I will use this document again in later chapters; it is invaluable for
family research.
Instead of Robert Crichton,
which is how the name is rendered in the modern translation, the original text
is rendered Robert CREYCHTOUN. A daughter, also Agnes, is written as CRYCHTOUN,
evidently a chosen variation for personal reasons. What I am getting at is that
we all spend too much time trying to decipher how and why our names are what
they are.
Creychtoun is of course, one the
Old Scots spellings for Creighton, in the Scots Gael. Creychtoun and Crychtoun,
if you make the ‘ch’ silent, is Cray-ton and Cry-ton. The same can apply to our
‘official’ ancestor, Thurstan de CRECHTUNE, which was probably a 13th
century Scots variation of CREE-TON, or CREK-TON, as in the 1086 survey map
rendition of KREKTUN. The ‘CH’ in Crechtune and the ‘K’ in Krektun
must have been silent. “Tune” is the old Scots for homestead. The other word,
mentioned in the archives of The Standing Council of Scottish Chiefs is “the
ancient lands of KREITTON” which may very well be how the Saxons or Norwegians
spelled the Creighton name.
This brings us back to the
beginning, with Ingrid Creyghton of Holland
questioning the variation in her name to Creighton. The only change from the
spelling of Robert Creychtoun in the 1595 Agnes Mowbray will with that
of Ingrid Creyghton is CHTOUN and GHTON, which is merely a 17th
century and modern ending of the same name. The CH and GH are the same, silent,
middle of each name. There is one more uniquely Dutch variation of Ingrid’s
name, being an older form of her language, CREIJHTON. People with this name today all seem to descend
from a common Creyghton Dutch ancestor.
There
is one last item of importance that I failed to point out in this paper. The
surnames of Scotland, as
elsewhere in the UK,
cannot always be indicative of a true surname. Many factors come into play; one
was the old Celtic clan system where people carried the name of the local lord
or chief (such as a Campbell
changing his name to Mackenzie if he
vowed allegiance to a Mackenzie
chief). Another was an old British Celtic custom in which men had a private
(family) name and a second ‘camp name’, much like many Native Americans. In
this instance, the ‘world’ would know a man as Conan
the Stumbler, where at home, he was Cynan Ap
(the son of) Creighton to his immediate family. The last is truly a regional
placename. In Midlothian near Pathhead is the tiny community of Crichton
(Long Crichton), near Crichton
Castle. Once it was the
service town for the Lands of Creighton. Residents of the village, wherever
they were from, would take the Creighton (Crichton)
name as their own, for they were ‘Men of Crichton.’
PART II:
BEYOND THE VILLA WALLS
JUSTINIAN’S SYRIAN ARCHER
In the year 483 AD, A forlorn figure sat in a courtyard
on a marble bench, surrounded by young children and barking dogs. A warm south
wind blew over the rolling Lammermuir Hills, but still the man felt an ache in
his bones. He tugged at the folds of an ancient and worn toga, adjusting the
patched fabric from what he considered a chilly wind. Soon, in the warm autumn
sunshine, he fell fast asleep.
A crow flying overhead would have looked down on the
scene as being typical of many neighbor’s homes of the region. This particular
courtyard enclosed the confines of what had been a proud Roman
villa, now in disrepair. The house was large and sprawling, but broken ceramic
roof tiles had been replaced, like a patchwork quilt, with sheets of slate and
even pieces of tree bark. The trees near the villa and surrounding the
settlement were all but gone, mostly in the man’s lifetime. Fields of millet
and herds of scraggly longhaired sheep now ranged up the hillside to Bankhead
Moor.
The 83-year-old man was nearing the end of his life. He
was born Marcus
Lucius Creightonai,
son of Gaius
Servilius and great great grandson
of Justinian Creightonai, the family ancestor. His was the fourth generation
born within these walls. In his long lifetime he had witnessed the end of the Roman Empire in Britannia. He was 10 years old when the
legions were called home to fight in Gaul and Italy. They never returned.
The old man was one of the last in the entire region that
still used Latin as his chosen tongue, other than clergymen who wandered the
countryside. He had been lucky to be born before the Germans came; his father
had sent him to the universities at Rome,
but his classical studies had taken second place to half a lifetime of fighting
the invaders and his northern neighbors.
Deep in his dreams he thought of those long ago years as
a student and of his journey home. In Rome
he had seen the glory of the empire, but also watched its decay as northerners
sought its riches. He had cousins and two uncles there, all studying for
advancement in the Holy
Church, but he had placed
his emphasis on secular studies. With a master’s degree in philosophy, Marcus had ended his studies at age 30, taking a ship
to Massilla and then joining a northbound trade caravan bound for Brittany.
At his father’s urging, he sought out family members among the Vocontii Gauls
of the Druentia River
of the Rhone Valley. This is where his great great
grandfather had been born, 197 years before.
Marcus found
that many of the local families along the Rhone
watershed had extended kin from his home region. Like Justinian, they had
followed the legions and stayed, bringing over wives and children after they
received land grants. Marcus found
that his ancestor left four sons and a wife in Gaul.
This woman, who had been of the Volcae
Tectogages, did not want to
venture too far from Britain.
Justinian had taken a second wife while stationed on Hadrian’s
Wall. This woman, from all reports from his Gallic relations, had
been half Syrian and half Vortadini, which was a tribe of the Southern
Picts. Marcus made the
remainder of his journey home in deep reflection. He had thought himself Roman by birth, a direct descendant of an honored
legionnaire. Now he wasn’t sure what he was.
Following the old Roman
road from Eboracum (York), he eventually found his
way home to the family villa. There he angrily confronted his father. “Why was
I not told of my lineage? Am I to believe that I am nothing but a lowborn son
of a Gaul and a foreign mongrel camp follower,
a Syrian, a painted Pict?”
Gaius eyed
his son with unaccustomed resolve. “Were you there on the wall when Rome left? Did you stand
side by side with your so-called ‘foreigners’ as the Caledonians swept the
countryside? Did you walk the streets of the great civic enclave at Trimontium
telling Greek, Syrian, Frisian, Jute, Alammanni, Batavi and Vortadini women
that we would keep them safe? Who do you think your playmates were while you
grew to manhood? They were all of these, intermingled with the blood of Rome and the Cymri. We
stand alone now; Rome
will never send back her troops.”
Gaius
went on. “You did not know your grandfather, who died as you were born. You did
not hear his tales of growing up in this villa, when the Caledonians were truly
barbaric. Yes, his grandmother was Martha
the Syrian. Yes, she was also of Caledonian blood, through the Vortadini, who
now fight on our side. Did you know that she was only 15 when Justinian married
her? Do you know why; because she was a warrior who fought beside him against
her own kind.”
Marcus had not
cooled off sufficiently to respond; he only glared at his father and said, “How
could a woman of 15 be a warrior of any kind?”
“When
your grandfather was a boy of 15, Martha
the Syrian was still living, at the age of 90. She was agile and active and
held a clear mind. Perhaps he asked her the same sort of questions, for before
she died, she took him on a pilgrimage of sorts. At the rock of Dun Edin she showed
your grandfather ancient rock carvings of her people. She made him trace the
spiral designs with his fingers, explaining their meaning to him. At isolated
camps in the forests she introduced him to the elders of her mother’s people,
others were found as servants at scattered villas and marching camps. Her
father was in fact a Syrian, but had been born and raised at Trimontium. His
ancestors had been of the early cohorts of Syrian archers, long favored as the
best in the world. By the time of his generation, the family had settled their
small land-hold north of the wall as traders to the Roman
military camps. He himself, whose name escapes me, was an interpreter who
carried treaty dispatches to the Caledonians. In his travels he met Martha’s mother among the Vortadini, who held ancient
title to these very lands.”
“Against the wishes of the Vortadini, the Syrian ‘bought’
the woman, who was a priestess of their old religion. This caused much unrest
among the Vortadini and their sister tribes. At Trimontium, the Syrian married
the Pict woman; the birth of your great great grandmother was the result of
this marriage.”
“But
father, why did she grow to fight against her own people?” Marcus was now picking up an interest in the story.
Gaius
continued. “As a girl, Martha
exhibited many of her father’s features, including the dark skin and hooked
nose of the desert people. She had no brothers. Her father raised her to shoot
his great bow like a man and the family traveled together on his trading
expeditions. Even as a young girl, while visiting the Roman
outposts and towns of the Picts, she was known as the “Little Syrian.” From her
mother she learned the ancient rites and healing practices of the Vortadini and
began receiving the blue tattooed designs of her order (Both the Greeks and the
Romans called these ‘the Painted People,’ but in truth the designs were blue
tattoos, often covering every inch of the body).”
“In
the year 282 AD, as they were returning to the wall from Galloway, a large party of Pictish Catti and
Irish Scotti attacked them while crossing the River Nith. Martha
was 14. The attackers were some of the same men with whom they had recently
negotiated. Martha had, days before,
been accepted into their ranks as a novice priestess, through her mother’s
efforts. Now, with the Scotti joining them, the Highland Picts sought slaves to
sell to the Irish kings. All seemed
lost.”
“Now, Marcus, you will see that your pedigree is truly
hinged on a remarkably weak thread. If it had not been for aching feet and a
blinding fit of depression, we would not be here today.”
“How
so, father?”
“Your
grandfather’s grandfather had spent his forty-ninth year commanding foot
patrols out of the Cramond Fort near Dun Edin. It was his responsibility to
train new recruits, mainly fellow Gauls, but some German auxiliaries as well.
He was soon to retire and found the menial position very hard to take. He had
found out that spring that his wife and sons in Gaul wished to remain with his
Vocontii tribal relations, where Justinian wanted them to join him in Caledonia. Throughout that summer he led cohort after
cohort of trainees to the marching camps, until he fell ill with fatigue and
worry.”
“By
autumn,” Gaius went on, “Justinian’s commander saw
that what he needed was a change in duties. Word had come from Pinnata Castra
(Inchtuthill) that the Caledonian Catti and other Highland tribes were forming
in western Galloway with the Scotti to attack Hadrian’s
Wall from the west. Although Parisii and Damnonii Britons held the
West Country with friendly Southern Picts, he
knew that a concerted military presence might deter an outright attack south of
the wall. Justinian, with two cohorts of mixed cavalrymen, was sent to patrol
the troubled areas. In the saddle once more, his feet stopped aching and his
doldrums lifted.”
“He arrived at the River Nith just as the Syrian’s small
force was making their last stand. The trader was dead, his young daughter
stood in the river with his great recurved bow at full draw, taking a charging
Scotti off of his feet with an arrow through the neck. All about her and her
fallen father were bodies. When the attackers saw the approaching Roman
cavalry, they turned and ran, leaving Martha
alone in the bloody water. Martha’s
mother and most of the remaining servants were gone, either captured by the
barbarians, or dead with her father. On that very spot, with her future husband
as her witness, Martha the Syrian
swore vengeance against the Painted People and the Scotti raiders.”
“There
was an instant bond between the two, Justinian and the young mixed blooded
priestess. During that winter he received transfer to Trimontium, to be closer
to her. In the spring, the Caledonians came down from the mountains in vast
numbers, but most were held in check. Those that found their way to the
southern wall found Justinian and Martha
everywhere. She fought hand in hand with his cohort, always using her father’s
old bow as her weapon. All along the frontier, Martha
the Syrian became legend, while still a child. In many battles she stood on the
wall with bow in one hand and her instruments of wizardry in the other. The
northern Picts feared her as an avenging sorceress, which she was.”
“By that year’s end, Justinian’s cohorts of Vocontii were
replaced with new recruits and he sought retirement. Marrying Martha, his grateful commanders rewarded their
combined efforts with these lands of Creighton. So you see, my son, there is no
shame in what our family descends from.
Like the true Romans, we are but a product of the ongoing history of
life.”
Gaius Servilius
Creightonai was of the last
generation stationed at the walls as legionnaires of Rome, giving up most of his life to a dying
Empire. While Marcus was safe in Rome, Gaius
had watched as the entire island’s system had fallen into chaos after 410 AD.
Inter-tribal warfare broke out as soon as the legions departed, with petty
kings and princes jockeying for ultimate power. The confederated Cymri, who he
associated himself with culturally, ruled the West Country from the tip of Cornwall to the River
Clyde. Villa Creighton was but one of many small landholds between the walls,
so far independent of overlords. The neighboring lands of Creighton comprised a
mixed population of war veterans, transplanted Britons of varied tribal affiliations
(both Belgae and Cymri) and remnants of people from all across the great Roman Empire. The blood of half a dozen separate
Caledonian tribes (Picts) also ran in the veins of these Border clans. It was
the beginning of a distinct Lowland Scots culture, which would be refined and
honed over the ensuing centuries as new emigrants occupied the region between
the Forth and the Tweed.
Marcus
Lucius Creightonai
returned in 430 to a changed homeland. When he left for Rome
in 415, the legions had been replaced with Brigante tribesmen from Yorkshire. That great tribe of the Cymri, together with
the Dumnonii and Silure of far southeastern Britain,
shared the rule of a confederacy that controlled the entire West Country as
well as the western-third of the Brittany Peninsular
in Gaul.
These tribes should not be thought of in their original
context, when all of them lived in Gaul before
Caesar’s time. They had continued to evolve separately from their mainland
cousins. When the Dumnonii and Silure conducted a return migration to Brittany
in 383 AD, they did so as Romano-British (Briton) soldiers, and stayed. Their
language had altered so much since they first departed Gaul
in 55 BC that their continental cousins could hardly understand them. Those
members of the tribes who remained in Britain continued to evolve
individually, uniting with the northern Brigante, the Parisii, Vortadini and
other sub-tribes of the confederacy. To help stabilize the border country along
the wall, the Dumnonii of Cornwall and Devonshire sent members north, forming
one colony in East Lothian and a second in northwest Galloway.
These northern Dumnonii became known as the Damnoni, often confused as a
southern Pict tribe, for they settled Vortadini territory in Lothian. The
Belgaic tribes who occupied the remainder of what is now southern, eastern and
midlands England were the most romanized, but even they sought a rapid return
to older Celtic ways. All of the Britons, Cymri and Belgae alike, began forming
tribal territories into new principalities and kingdoms. While they all
struggled for overall control, the northern Picts eyed the Lowlands
as they had always done. Irish Scotti tribesmen from Hibernia (Ireland), allied with the Picts sought the lands
of modern Galloway.
Now, with the homecoming of Marcus
Creightonai, German raiders began
frequenting the eastern coastal regions, also seeking a new homeland.
The use of the fictional Marcus Lucius
Creightonai (400-484) serves a
purpose, that being to help outline early life in the kingdom of Strathclyde
from a personal perspective. Because he was a first generation post-Roman-Era
Briton fighting for survival, his life chronicles that time of legend, which is
often so hard to verify. We have only the writings of the old Welsh historians
and men like Gregory of Monmouth to go on. Keep in mind, however, that the
‘Welsh’ were all of those Cymric-Celts, the Cymry, which still means ‘Fellow
Countrymen.’ In Marcus’ day, Cambria (Wales) extended
from Lands End to northern Ayrshire.
Marcus was a contemporary of many famous men from this
distant time. Although he had uncles who had converted and sought the
ecclesiastical training of the early church, he himself was still ‘Pagan,’
following the older Celtic and Roman
gods. Fellow Countrymen who helped forge Strathclyde into a kingdom were of his
and his father’s age.
From
his stronghold around York,
Coel Hen of the Brigantes ruled as the last Roman Dux
Britainumorum. With Rome’s withdrawal, he had
become rightfully King of the North. Coel Hen’s wife Ystradwel of the Dumnonii
was the granddaughter of Conan
Meriadog of Brittany
and Dumnonia and her brother Gwrfawr
AP Gadfan
ruled as king of Dumnonia in his father’s stead.
When Marcus was 12 years old he was witness to the
‘changing of the guard’ in his homeland. Coel Hen (Old King Cole) knew that he
did not have the manpower to defend the entire length of Hadrian’s Wall from
his towns along the Umber
River. If he tried, the
Irish Scotti and the Picts would overrun the area north to the Forth. With the Vortadini and Dumnonii protecting the
lands of East Lothian, Coel Hen sent in his
most trusted chiefs to take control of the entire region. Germans began moving
into the old Brigante homeland of Yorkshire
almost as soon as he pulled his people north.
Since the German longboats were frequenting the entire
east coastal region of Britain,
Coel Hen took strong defensive measures. He called the region south of the
Forth Rheged, which had Midlothian as its northern territory. He chose as his new
capitol the stronghold of Trapain, East Lothian.
The Creighton world was changing rapidly.
When the Brigante emigrants arrived, they settled into
strong chiefdoms, mingling with the surviving southern Picts and older Britons.
This, of course, included the Creightons of Rheged.
East
Lothian was then the kingdom
of Gododdin, hereditary
homeland of the Vortadini, who had once ruled over all of the Lothians. Southwestern Gododdin held the uplands of the Lammermuir
Hills and the great forests of Keth. The People of Keth were of the Ortadini, a
sub-tribe of the Vortadini. Just south of their forest and beyond the River
Keth was placed a Brigante group called Humbie, after their home river in
Brigantium. Both of these territories bordered the lands of Creighton as
eastern neighbors. A few miles south of Creighton was the old Southern Pict
kingdom of the Selgovae in the Selkirk
Forest. West of Selkirk
Forest was the lands of Ynys
Manaw, which, in reality, was old
Strathclyde. It included present Dumfries, Annandale and Nithdale. This region was
almost entirely Romano-British Celts, Dumnonii and scattered Southern
Picts. Beyond the River Nith was Galloway, which was at that time a frontier
disputed by Britons, Picts and Irish Scotti clans. It remained hostile to Coel
Hen’s move north into their region. A Romano-Celt descendant named Caradog (Ceretic Guletic)
ruled North of Galloway, in present Ayrshire. This man and his people held the
western door against the Scotti and the Picts from a fortress at modern
Dumbarton. Coel Hen claimed ownership over all, as High King of the North.
Marcus
Creightonai never saw the founding of the kingdom, for he was away in Rome when Coel Hen died.
The king had spent much time in his northern kingdom of Ayrshire and it was
there, in 420 AD that he died in battle against his old enemies. By Celtic
right, the northern kingdom was divided between his two sons Ceneu and
Gorbanian, but it was the local Ceretic
Guletic who took over all of Coel
Hen’s lands as the next High King. He named his kingdom Strathclyde, moving the
Cymry capitol from Trapain, near the lands of Creighton, to Ail-Cluathe. The
Irish Scotti, who were making permanent inroads into adjoining Argyle, called
this stronghold Dumbarton (Dun-Breatann), which meant ‘Fortress of the
Britons’. The Scotti called Galloway
the land of ‘Gaels with foreign speech.’
By 440 Marcus
Creightonai, if he were not
fighting Picts, Scotti or German raiders, would have been highly valued for his
diplomatic skills. Latin was still the chosen language between kingdoms, but few
could write. Trained and holding a master’s degree in secular studies, he would
have been sought out by the local princes and kings of the subkingdoms of
Strathclyde. With Dumbarton as the regional capitol, it was probably in his
lifetime that saw many of his family move deeper into Nithdale and Galloway, in advance of an ever-increasing number of German
speaking people from the coastal regions of the east. The old kingdoms of
Rheged and Gododdin, with the Lands of Creighton in the center, were in the direct
path of the newcomers, who were mostly Angles.
Marcus would have been aware of other academics,
especially those who were schooled in Gaul or Rome. Although he never accepted the
Christian faith as his own, he would have worked side by side with his
non-secular brothers. The church had been active in Galloway
and Ayrshire since before Marcus’
birth.
The
Briton historian and Saint Ninian (316-432) was born in Strathclyde. He was
trained in Rome, being sent back in 347 to begin
converting the Britons and Southern Picts of
his homeland. Prince Tuduvallus
of Galloway was an early convert and by 397 Ninian
had built the first stone church in present Scotland at Whithorn, Wigtown, Galloway.
Another Strathclydian, born near Dunbarton at Kilpatrick
15 years before Marcus, was a man
named Maewyn in his native tongue. Like Marcus, he was born to a Romano-British
family; his father was a government official, with the Latin name of
Calphurnius the Decurio. Maewyn’s older sister Darerca was the second wife of Conan Meriadog,
the king of Brittany and Dumnonia.
Like Marcus, this boy was born to a
predominantly non-Christian household and when he was young; a neighboring clan
captured him and sold him to Scotti raiders as a slave. While sheep herding for
his masters in Ulster, he
made a vow to accept the Christian
Faith (if he was able to escape)
and someday return to Ireland
to convert the Pagans. He did escape, found his way to Gaul
and was schooled, returning years later as Patrick,
the future saint. Perhaps Marcus was
present at Certic’s court the day Patrick’s
scolding letter arrived, accusing the king of stealing Irish slaves to bring
back to Dumbarton.
For the remainder of his
life, Marcus fought to keep his lands
intact and to administer to his people who called him chief. The Creighton
grants were originally awarded to his great great grandfather for their
strategic location. Situated on a major artery connecting the forts on the Forth with those along the wall, the villa sat at the
southeast end of the old Roman
settlement that serviced the marching camps. Signs of Roman
occupation dotted the countryside.
The Chieftainship had remained much the same since the
time of Justinian Creightonai. In his later years, Marcus
had taken an interest in the history of his lands, reading historical books
that had been written by his uncle from the tiny monastery of Soutra, just
beyond the limits of his southern territory. From here a growing community of
Christians from the Celtic (Irish) Church administered to the Picts of Soutra
and Selkirk, or Selgovae Forests.
Marcus and his Creighton allies spent much of their time
patrolling for raiding bands of Northern Picts and Scotti, keeping the old
defenses of Pathhead, Creighton (Souterraine) Fort, Caickmuir (Cakemuir Castle) and Fala Forts in good repair.
If they were not protecting the chief-hold from outside attack, they were
raiding neighbor’s cattle or chasing neighbors who had stolen theirs. Only through his uncle’s writings did Marcus learn just who these people on the perimeter
of Creighton were.
When Justinian and Martha
the Syrian first settled their grant, it encompassed 85 square miles in area.
It had been a primary Roman stationing
point since 80 AD. The lands of Creighton contained dozens of marching camps,
saw mills, produce farms and forts. These ranged the uplands and moors,
attesting to its importance as a strategic military location. From its
highlands rose the headwaters of the Rivers Tyne, Kinchie Burn, Galla Water,
Caickmuir Burn, Salter’s Burn, East Water and Keth (Keith)
Waters. It contained the heights of Caickmuir Hill where the signal and
ceremonial fires burned. South of the Caickmuir highlands was Falla Moor with
its ancient watchtower.
The
Creighton settlement of this area was originally to keep the peace between the
various Southern Picts, who ringed the
chieftainship. The Clan of the Crane of the Southern
Vortadini held a territory just across the River Tyne to the
north. Their territory looped down the eastern side of Creighton to adjoin
lands of their East Lothian cousins, the Ortadini, who held most of the great
forest between Kinchie Burn and Keth
Waters, called the Forest of Keth. The Clan of the Crane became the
family Cranstoun; the Ortadini clan who occupied the forest became Clan Keith.
Between Keth and East Waters was also Ortadini territory, but a small group of
Celtic Brigantes had settled the area, calling themselves the People of Humbie,
after their Yorkshire River Humber. These people were reinforced with new
Brigante recruits in Marcus’ time.
Southeast
of Creighton, beyond Falla Moor, was the great forest of Soutra.
It is unclear if the Soutra were a Pictish tribe, but if so, they would have
been of the Selgovae, who ruled the Selgovae Forests southwest of Galla Water.
The entire western border of Creighton was the River Tyne, shared by the strong
chieftainship of Borth. These people defended the western banks of the river
from its steep hillsides from Middleton Moor in the south to Vorgrie Burn in
the north. The lands of Borth were also an old veteran’s grant from Roman times, possibly settled at the same time as
Creighton. These people became the House of Borthwick.
The
Caickmuir (spelled Cakemuir today) district of Creighton, to Marcus, had always had questions surrounding it. Even
as a youth, visiting there with his father, it had an aura of something very
old. Often he would ride up the Tyne to its
headwaters at Loch Middleton, where his men still maintained the old Roman
defense walls at Aukenkleaks. These ancient walls presented a barrier across
the small plain that connected the Tynehead with that of Caickmuir Burn at the
foot of Caickmuir Hill.
This
series of fortified walls was the southern most point of his chief-hold. The
one mile of open moor presented the only weak spot in his entire river-ringed
territory. He placed his eldest son Gaius in charge
of the walls. Beyond and stretching endlessly toward the south was the ancient
Selgovae-Pict enclave of Selkirk (Selgovae) Forest.
It had been the highlands of Caickmuir that had
originally brought Marcus to visit his
uncle’s monastery at Soutra. The monks knew the Picts and their ancient
culture. Visiting with the elders who had known his uncle, he learned of the
books he had written. He would spend hours going over the Latin text, then,
with Selgovae guides, venture up into the wilds of Caickmuir.
Roughly
two miles wide and six miles long from the western tip of Caickmuir Hill to Fala Camp
on the east, the Caickmuir uplands stood as a permanent barrier that separated
two portions of Creighton land. Caickmuir Burn ran the length at its northern
base; Fala Moor occupied the south side of the highlands. The great ridge was
divided into three portions of ownership. The House of Borth owned Caickmuir
Hill, in its entirety, since ancient times. On its summit was a very old stone
ring, a fairy ring of the Picts. From here, men of all of the surrounding
territories took turns as lookouts, urging a timber bonfire into action if
raiders were seen approaching the settlements. On its heights also were held
many of the older Celtic and Pict annual celebrations, it was a sacred mountain
with many mysteries. The men of both, as early settlers, may have been given
the mountain to protect by the religious leaders of the Selgovae.
Halfway
down the back of the ridge and occupying the smallest of the three sections was
an area about 3 square miles. This contained, on its northern side, the old Roman fortress of Caickmuir, still used by all as the
main defense in the area. Below it in the Caickmuir Burn lowlands was the tiny
settlement of Blackcastle. The People of Crane, who were Vortadini, held this
important defensive position at Caickmuir Fort, six miles from their nearest
home territory.
The
last and eastern portion of the uplands was four and one half square miles in
area and was a detached portion of the lands of Humbie. At their small post of
Blackshields near Fala
Camp was placed a combined
Brigante-Ortadini contingent of warriors whose job it was to protect the
fertile expanse of Falla Moor and the church properties at Soutra.
It was
these three detached properties deep within Creighton lands that had always
perplexed Marcus. His peaceful role
with all three neighbors was tentative at best. When they were not fighting
foreign invaders together, they fought each other, over land, cattle and women.
Only after reading his uncles history did he understand. It was due to a true
connection to the ancient land itself.
Marcus read in
awe, remembering that long-ago argument with his father. It had been Justinian
Creightonai who had allowed these land portions to be divided, at the request
of Martha the Syrian, his wife. She
may have influenced his receiving these lands, for she was half Vortadini and
an adept of their old religion. Justinian had been stationed at Caickmuir
during his years of service, but during those times the Picts of any nature
were suspect, especially so far within their homelands. When he claimed his
veteran’s grant, he saw only that Caickmuir Highlands offered unlimited hunting
and it connected Caickmuir Burn with the lands of Falla Moor.
In the
third year of their occupancy of Creighton, the couple received a delegation
from the Picts. The Chief of Crane, who had as distant cousins both Martha and the Ortadini Chief of Humbie Forest,
brought the assembly to the half finished villa. With Martha
as mediator, Justinian soon learned that if the Picts did not have full access
to their sacred sites at Caickmuir, they would go to war against Creighton and
drive them out.
At first, Justinian stood defiant. He was not apt to
relinquish any land, so long sought after in Rome’s service. Martha
alone stood firm, on the side of the Picts. Still under the age of twenty, she
exhibited the finesse of a much older person. In her quiet manner, she told her
husband of the importance of the ancient hills. She described sacred groves and
shrines that were older than Rome.
Caickmuir was venerated by all of the Caledonians, even their enemies of the
north. The people still sang of that time 300 years before when Julius Agricola
first brought the legions into Caledonia. In
lightning raids he destroyed entire tribes. Advancing through this territory,
he had built the first fort at Caickmuir, ordering the sub-tribe called Fala to
assemble at Falla Moor. There his men disarmed the Picts and then
systematically killed every one. The Fala Vortadini’s
only crime was protesting the building of a Roman
fort on Caickmuir. Because of the loss of their menfolk, the Fala became
extinct as a tribe, the women sought asylum with the Soutra.
The
Fala, Martha continued, had been the
keepers of the mountain. They were not warlike, but holy men and priests. Their
loss had been felt by all of the Picts across Caledonia.
She told Justinian that he had no right to bar the present Picts entry to their
holy places.
And
so, Justinian relinquished his ownership to the various neighboring clans who
sought the high places. He himself was of the old school, a Celt of Gaul and he
as well sought out the shrines to worship his own gods. Only a small corridor
at Fala Dam granted entrance to the
Creighton lands of Falla Moor. Marcus had no idea at the time, but even these
would one day be given back to the surviving Picts as the lands of Falla.
The eldest son of Marcus
was named Gaius, after his grandfather. As an adult
warrior and sub-chief of Creighton, he had rejected the villa as his residence;
lying so close to the ancient Roman service town, he found the villa to be an
aging symbol to the past glory of Rome.
The settlement sprawled just to the east of the villa, a collection of
stonewalls and small dark homes of mud and wattle. He opted instead to build a
new and stronger fortified house on more commanding ground.
One
mile south of the villa the Tyne entered a
deep cut between two ranges of hills. It was here, on the eastern bank 50 feet
above the river that Gaius began building his
hillfort called Dun Creighton. It was a wise decision. Remains of extensive Roman fortifications dotted the hillside, indicating
to Gaius that it had long been used as a military
emplacement.
Gaius, like his many brothers,
rejected the old Roman ways for that
of renewed Celtic nationalism. He built his stronghold in the manner of the
Celtic Britons. He had fought with Emperor Constantine’s British forces in Gaul against the Visigoths and had seen the great oppidas
of his Gallic cousins. Using a combination of reused stone foundations, earthen
ramparts, heavy timbers, and mud and wattle walls, he made a rectangular
enclosure large enough to hold the entire village of Creighton
in case of attack. Against one of the inner walls he began a stone house that
would, over the next 1000 years, develop into Castle Creighton. He used the
remaining stones to make a series of defense walls and cattle enclosures,
stepping down the bank to the river. Behind the new hill fort stretched
woodland and fields to the top of Bankhead, 50 feet
above the structure.
In 475
AD, Ceritic the High King of Strathclyde died at Dumbarton. This opened an
endless fight for succession as his followers vied for the kingdom. Far to the
south, Vortigern of the Silure had spent a lifetime as Over King of all the
Britons trying to keep the Irish flood from overwhelming his West Country. With
the death of the King of Strathclyde, the Caledonian Picts and Irish Scotti
pressed down into Western Britain. In a fit of
bad judgment, Vortigern hired Saxons, Jutes and Angles from northern Germany and southern Denmark to fight the northern
enemy. Within a decade Vortigern was also dead, but he lived long enough to
realize his mistake. The Germans had come and fought, but they stayed.
And so
it was for the remainder of the century, in those ancient hills of Lammermuir, which
fell away to the northeast toward the East Lothian
marshes. Old Marcus
Lucius Creightonai
died shortly after his afternoon nap in the autumn of 483. Three of his sons
were followers of Ninian in Galloway and a fourth
was with Patrick’s adherents in Ireland. He,
though, had stubbornly held to his imperial beliefs, not necessarily rejecting the
Celtic-Christian religion, but never embracing it. When he was buried in the
old graveyard near Tyne Water outside the villa walls, many from the
surrounding chief-holds and sub-kingdoms were present.
To
honor the old man’s maternal ancestry from Martha
the Syrian, the Vortadini that remained in Lothian sent a delegation. Most of
their tribe had been dispersed from Ayr to Cambria
by King Vortigern
to help defend the west coastal regions. Leading this party of Southern Picts was a son of old chief Cunedda, or
‘Cinneidigh’ in the Scots Gaelic, the ancestors of Clan Kennedy. The Britons
sent Prince Geraint of Dumbarton with grave-offerings from King Cinuit, along with
an honor guard of cavalry in full, but rusty, Roman battle dress.
Closer
to home were the men that owned lands adjacent to, or not far from Creighton,
long time defenders of the frontier. There came the old German warrior Bear
Hand (Beornheard in Saxon), ancestor to Clan Burnett of the Roxburgh Forest of
Jedburgh. From the north shore of the River Tweed came the men of Tweedie,
descendants of the Selgovae
Picts. Joining them from nearby Dumfries came the Caruthers, whose name derived from ‘Caer Rydderch’ (fort of Rydderch).
Marcus’ immediate neighbors, Cranstoun, Borthwick, Keith and the men of Humbie carried his bier to the
graveside as a lone Roman bagpipe
played an old regimental battle song. Throughout the streets of nearby
Creighton, the women wailed an ancient Celtic farewell dirge to their fallen
chief.
Sometime after the funeral someone with ties to a Roman
past, perhaps the Caruthers of Dumfries, placed a memorial stone. It was not a
head stone as we use today, it was as old as the legions. Throughout the
countryside can be found thousands of these markers, some large and assuming, others
small and hidden in the weeds. They are carved into the remains of the Antonian
and Hadrian’s Wall. They are in pastures and
deep in the forests of Selkirk. High atop Bankhead
Moor, three miles east of Dun Creighton, a flat polished stone was set in the
ground overlooking Marcus’ old villa
on the Tyne. In classic Roman
carved lettering was the inscription: “In remembrance of Marcus Lucius
Creightonai, Citizen of Rome,
Philosopher, friend of kings, fearless warrior, loving husband, father and
protector of all that you can see. We, his companions, placed this stone.”
16 years later the overwhelming Saxon invasions of
southern and eastern Britannia forced all Britons west into what the Saxons
called Wales.
The city-dwelling Belgae fled their homes and monasteries for safety in Brittany,
leaving the Confederated Cymry to defend the entire island. The sea raiders
came in longboats from Southern Denmark and Sweden,
Jutland, Frisia in the Netherlands,
Anglia and Saxony in northern Germany.
Although we think of them as being mostly Saxon and Angle historically
(Anglo-Saxons), with secondary Frisians and Jutes occupying small regions, the
combined invasions were made up of many independent people. The Saxons and
Angles were the most numerous, but with them came Franks
from the east Rhine, Geats from Gotland in southeast Sweden, Wends from the south
Baltic, Swedes, Danes and Norwegians. In 500 AD the new British High King, Ambrosius Aurelianus,
also called Artuturius, or Arthur the
Briton, called the Cymry to make a stand. Both British and Saxon armies
converged on Mount Baddon in southwestern England (its location has never
been verified) for the pending battle.
From
Dun Creighton, Gaius, now 55 years old, took up the
standard and called his men of Creighton to arms. He had reverted back to his
given Celtic name, Arthfael
AP Owain,
Owain being the ‘family’ name of his father Marcus.
Under the overall leadership of the Celtic and Vortadini Lothian
kings of Rheged and Gododdin, the amassed army from the Forth
raced south to join Arthur. At
Carlisle below the wall, they waited for Strathclyde’s main army from Ayr and Galloway. Joining there, the mighty army of the north
formed into cohorts and hundreds, still fighting as the old Roman armies had done 100 years before. The one
change was that this army called their fighting units ‘Dragons’, the ancient
Cymric name for its regiments.
On the
road south, the men of Creighton could be singled out from those of their
neighbors by the war standard carried in Arthfael AP
Owain’s train. At the head of his
cohorts flew the green dragon, similar to that of the red dragon blazon of the
men of Strathclyde, the overall symbol of the confederated Cymry. With its left
forefoot raised with bared talons and spouting fire from its mouth, the winged
monster looked south toward the Severn
River Valley.
On the arm of Arthfael and many of his compatriots was the Celtic round shield,
painted white with a rampant blue lion in its center. This was the ancient arms
of Creighton, used since before the time of Caesar.
What
happened to Arthfael AP Owain-Gaius Creightonai in that legendary battle will
never be known. He was a fictional hero fighting under the command of a
legendary king. The Saxons were beaten that day, but they were not driven back into
the sea. They and their kind remained, fighting fiercely to obtain new
farmlands, only to settle down peacefully and commingle with their Celtic
neighbors.
LONGSHIPS-ON-TYNE
Many believe that our English language began with the
arrival of the Angles and the Saxons. ‘Anglo-Saxon,’ mixed with the Celtic
British equals English. The Scottish language, if considered at all, is thought
to be the Irish Gaelic of the Scotti. Neither is true.
The
British Celts had undergone 400 years of Roman
rule. Belgae or Cymry, they all spoke variants of what we think of today as the
language of the Welsh. Since most also took Latin as a second (and sometimes
first) language, the many regional dialects became Celtic with Latin
additions. Keeping this in mind, the best way to follow the evolution of the
languages is to think of the British Celts of 410 AD as speaking ‘Old British.’
Each individual district and region would have had variations of what had once
been a common language.
The
German invaders were also multi-tongued and from different regions of Northern Europe. The Jutes were from the Danish peninsula of Juteland, whence the Celts had migrated
1500-2000 years before. The Frisians were from northern Holland. The Angles and Saxons were from
Germany Proper, but of different regions and speaking different dialects.
Combining these four groups together, along with the assorted sub-groups that
accompanied them, all spoke variants of what is properly called Old German.
The
German invaders were roaming sea raiders in 500 AD. They ranged the coastal
regions, slipping silently up the rivers in longboats that had a shallow draft.
Like the later Vikings crafts, these ships allowed them access to inland towns
where they ransacked monasteries and plundered entire countrysides. They then
slipped away downriver before help could arrive. In warfare they were cruel and
relentless. They came with elite fighting men called Berserkers, warriors with
giant battle-axes that, either through drug inducement or mass indoctrination,
fought long after they should have fallen dead. But, once the battles were won,
backup ships brought women and children and all settled down to a peaceful
farming society. Wherever this happened, the ‘native’ Celts were relegated to
the role of servant or under tenant as second-class citizens. Through this
closeness, however, the two languages combined.
From
500-800 AD, the island was divided into distinct linguistic districts based
upon where the Germans settled. Excluding the Cymry regions of Western England and Scottish Strathclyde, there arose
four Anglo-Saxon dialects.
The
Jutes, who first settled southeast England
in Kent and Surrey, spoke Kentish, a combination of Jute, East Saxon
and Belgae-Celt. The Jutes then shifted westward after the Saxons took over Kent.
They removed to the Isle of Wight near Southampton,
where their Danish-German dialect mingled again with that of the
Belgae-Atrabates, but it still remained Kentish.
A
second Saxon dialect was formed in the Midlands south of the Thames in the Kingdom of Wessex
(Hampshire, Berkshire, Wiltshire, Dorset and Somerset). The dialect of
Wessex
became known as West Saxon. The Low Country Frisians settled this area as well,
but their language soon became extinct. The people maintained a small pocket in
the west, but they eventually mixed with their Saxon cousins until they lost
their identity as a separate culture. The continental Frisians today are the
only German-speaking people surviving who still speak a form of the Old German
of the 6th century.
The
third grand division was called ‘Mercian,’ for a mixture of Angles and Danish
allies who settled the Central Midlands and East Anglia. Mercia would develop into a strong kingdom,
which sought power over their West Saxon cousins of Wessex. Here, the Angle-Danish
dialects mingled with the local Belgae-Celts.
The
fourth linguistic division was Northumbrian, also Angle-Danish and Celt in
origin. By the end of the 6th century, the Brigante coalition
controlled their Kingdom of Strathclyde from Cumberland,
England to Ayrshire in
western Scotland.
To their east, however, the descendants of Vortigern’s Anglian mercenaries had
occupied the east portions of Yorkshire as the kingdom of Deira.
Just to their north and including modern Durham,
England and Berwick,
Scotland was her sister kingdom of Bernicia. These people had been evolving
separately for 120 years. In 600 AD, Mercian Angles joined with Deira and Bernicia to form the great kingdom
of Northumbria, which encompassed all
lands north of the Umber River into southern Scotland
to the Forth. Here as well was the center of
the Celtic Church
located on the tiny island of Lindisfarne in Bernicia.
The
resulting language that evolved from these four groups is now known as Old
English. This is not the Old English of the King James Bible, but an older
Germanic-Romano—British language based on Old German and Belgae-Celtic
dialects. The main thing to keep in mind is that the Belgaic dialects, although
related to that of the Cymric Welsh, had 500 years to evolve along separate lines.
They were the people closest to the Romans in Britain and Latin words were part
of their vocabulary by 600 AD. They also maintained a close relationship with
their homeland tribes in Gaul, whose
continental Celtic language was being mutated by the Germanic-Franks, forming
the roots of an early French language.
The West Saxons became the dominant ruling power, but they
also became ‘insular or inward seeking islanders. They cut themselves off from
their original German homelands, allowing the English language to develop on
its own.
The
Northumbrian dialect stood apart from the others in one important aspect. They
kept their distance from their Saxon cousins for 150 years. Although they
comprised one of the four dialects that made up Old English, Northumbrian also
became a separate regional dialect due to their frontier location. They were
the first to allow Norwegian settlers into Yorkshire, resulting in the city of York becoming a Norwegian
stronghold. They vied for the support of the Northern Picts, helping that
nation to breech the Forth and occupy Castle Rock at Edinburgh.
Centuries of warfare and periods of intermittent peace with Strathclyde allowed
the Northumbrians to enter southwestern Scotland, where Irish Scotti Gaels,
Dublin-based Norsemen and British Cymry helped alter the language. The
Northumbrian dialect of the Lowlands became
known as ‘Scotis,’ or Old Scottish. Akin to Old English and remaining German in
origin, it varied considerably with that of the Saxon-based dialects of the
south. This was the founding of the language of Lowland Scotland, which is
still being altered and improved upon today. It was not Gaelic, Welsh, German,
Pict or Norse; it was a combination of all.
Northumbria developed along the lines of any frontier. The people
of all races mixed together easily and became very self-sufficient and
independent of any outside influence. Far from the Saxon trade centers, they
looked across the channel for support and commerce. The intercourse between
these regions and Northumbria
was pronounced. Old Scottish varied slightly from Old English primarily because
of this trans-channel usage. By 833 AD,
‘Scotis,’ (called ‘Ecossaise’ by the Franks of Gaul), became the dominant
language of trade in Northumbria
and Northern Europe, especially in the Low Countries.
There are many marked similarities even today between the Lowland Scots
language and that of Norway,
Sweden, Denmark and parts of Northern
Holland.
Because
of the founding of the kingdom
of Northumbria, the
Creighton lands became separated culturally from the Celtic enclave of
Strathclyde. 833 AD marked the 555th year of Justinian Creightonai
and the 333rd year since the parting of Arthfael AP
Owain. Creighton, at the eastern
border of Midlothian, was situated at the northernmost limits of Northumbria.
Within
old Strathclyde, especially in Nithdale and Dumfries,
the language remained Old Welsh for another 700 years, far into the 16th
century. This is the region that received many of the Midlothian Creighton
clan, leaving the family lands to the newcomers. Many Northumbrians had arrived
with imported earls or with the expanding church, which had been evangelizing
the backslidden Northumbrians of Yorkshire from Lindisfarne.
The
local church was still Celtic in form, but incorporated many continental
priests and monks from, or trained in Gaul.
The Franks were rising as a national power supported
by a growing number of Viking mercenaries called Normans. Old
English as a written language had appeared among the English churchmen, while
Scottish developed along the same lines from York
and the new northern centers in east Berwick (Bernicia), only 30 miles from Dun
Creighton. It can be assumed that many of the Creightons who remained in their
home territory sought out the church as laymen and women, being in the
forefront of the church in the eastern Lowlands.
As the
more traditional Celts withdrew into Strathclyde, their old homes and land were
filled with Saxon, Danish and Angle emigrants from Yorkshire.
About this time the Norse invasion was beginning, with more warlike
Scandinavians called ‘Vikings’ (which meant pirates) coming to pillage and to
burn. It was these people, mainly Norwegians and Swedes that rose to such a
power within the century that they plied for ownership of the entire island.
They took the city of York
as their own. With the Viking presence increasing in the Lothians as well as
much of northern and eastern England,
many place-names became both German and Nordic in origin.
The
Saxon-Era, 827-1066, lasted formally for 239 years, the duration of time that
the Saxon Royal House ruled Britain
from Wilton and Winchester, Wessex.
We do not know what our surname became while under their watch, but one or two
hints remain that might tell the story.
In or
about 833 AD, the lands of Creighton and her neighbors would have altered
drastically under the new German culture. Unlike the later Normans, the
Saxons (now referring to the collective German Horde) were a relatively quiet
people when unprovoked, but they had a distinct system of law and a very rigid
class system.
On the
top were the royal West Saxons of Wessex. The ruling houses of Northumbria were tied by marriage to those of Wessex. Each
kingdom or earldom was divided into shires, set up on old Celtic tribal
boundaries. The shires were then divided into rapes, hundreds, boroughs,
wapentakes and thane-holds, accordingly. The king’s council, or Witan, ruled
from the south. The king’s direct agents were the Aldermen, also Earldorman,
who ran the larger districts. In the north at Creighton, their Danish
counterpart ‘jarl’ denoted the same class. This term eventually evolved into
the English term earl, the overlord of a shire.
Rapes
were large districts of a shire, usually of a prescribed area in size, but
often dictated by natural land features such as major rivers and mountain
chains. Hundreds were divisions of a rape. Boroughs were larger villages
earmarked as regional trade centers. Wapentakes were administrative legal
districts within a borough and thane-holds were privately owned lands.
Thanes,
the lowest rank of title in the Saxon system, were still men of great power on
the local level. It is probable that Creighton, Borthwick and Cranstoun lands
were infiltrated with German or Danish administrators, but the families would
have retained status as local thanes. All were very involved with the local
church and sponsored monasteries and ecclesiastical centers within their
territories. They were also politically acclimated to perform duties of state
locally, intermarrying into German or Nordic lines to do so. The outcome was
similar all over Britain.
Rebel and loose everything, or conform and retain whatever was dolled out to
you.
The
‘takeover’ always followed the same scenario. Dun Edin became the regional
trade center of Edinburghshire. Place names, mountains, villages and rivers,
were either left with their old Celtic names or altered to the Germanic tongue.
Mountains such as nearby Mons Dodrig in Keth, became Dodrig Law. The village of Creighton became something similar to
‘Long Chrighton’ or ‘Long Crigtoun,’ both still actively used on maps of
Creighton Parish in the 1500’s.
The
Germans brought their own farmers and laborers. Those of the lower classes were
called ‘churls,’ tenant workers for the thane. The local Britons usually were
forced from their lowland farms while German farmers took over these fertile
grounds. At Creighton, the flats between Caickmuir Burn and Salter’s Burn
(Saughyland district) and the lowlands in North Creighton along the Tyne at Cranston-Riddle would have been prime
agricultural areas. The local Britons were allotted the uplands and moors, less
fertile and hilly, for grazing their sheep and cattle. The Creightons probably
retained the land use of much of the village, Dun Creighton and Bankhead Moor
and possibly Falla Moor to the south, all being in the latter category. For
sake of story, I am keeping the Chief of Creighton in place as district
administrator and thane, but assimilated into the new ‘Saxon’ culture.
The
Northern Pict presence at Dun Edin in 550 AD had brought renewed pressure on
Creighton lands. They were becoming Christianized and organizing into kingdoms,
but they were still hostile and threatening. The Keith,
Creighton and Borthwick lands held the central high grounds of Midlothian. The stone fortresses of Dun Creighton and Dun
Borthwick were only two miles apart, protecting the Tyne River
roads from northern attack. These great families, as well as the House of
Cranstoun would have been perfectly situated to act as ambassadors and
go-betweens for the Saxon diplomats and the Pictish kings. By 833, all would
have had some foreign blood in their veins.
They
would have looked to the future, sending their sons to church-run collegiate
schools at home and to France to study in the great
universities. There were older schools at Rome,
but Paris University drew the most students. In
833, so many students at the universities were of Lowland Scottish origin that
many, at high levels, took notice. This great influx of Northumbrian Scottish
students helped spread the Scotis tongue to the continent.
THE LION GOES TO SEA
I will
now introduce two of the remaining fictional Creightons, to help explain my
theory of name changes as well as the tone of the times. I will call the son
Ranulf of Chrightoun, of the 17th generation of Justinian
Creightonai the Vocontii. Born in Zealand, Upper Holland
in 833, he lived to be a very old man, dying in 923 at the age of 90.
His
father was known simply as Riwald the Blue, signifying the lion on his family shield.
So many Germans had arrived in the vicinity that many of the older families
used the German practice of taking a single name. Soon, surname meanings for
hundreds of local families would be forgotten altogether. Many Celtic surnames,
however, simply went underground. For the Britons and Riwald the Blue, it was
safer to conform than to be called ‘wealas’, the Saxon word for lowborn serf or
foreigner. This was the origin of the word ‘Welsh,’ which was systematically
attached to any outland Celt, but the Cymry especially. The Briton family Wallace took their name from this derogatory Saxon
word.
Riwald
the Blue had never been schooled in the classics and he did not seek the safety
of the church as many of his family did. He was raised at Dun Creighton but
spent his early years in the hills with the sheep herds. He was independent and
headstrong, hating the local German warden of the East Forest.
They were no longer allowed to hunt on their own land without a permit. Faced
with what he saw as unnatural laws and sparked with a rekindled pride in his
Celtic heritage through monks stationed at Soutra, he ran away to the sea at
age 13.
Shipping
out of Umberside as a deckhand, he spent two years on merchant ships along the
coastal waters. For safety against the Viking longboats, he chose Devonshire as his homeport until he fell under the
patronage of a Breton merchant. This man was a Dumnonii Celt from Brittany
and took Riwald onboard as his first mate. From the port
of Exeter, they had sailed first to
Quimber in Brittany
and then traveled north to the Baltic Sea.
From France
to the Slavic-Lands in the far north, Riwald was amazed that most spoke
variants of his Scotis tongue in the seaports and trade centers.
By
832, Riwald owned his own ship and had become wealthy with a lucrative trade
with the northern kingdoms. He had begun that season once more from the
southern Cymry seaport of Exeter,
as he did each year. He took onboard a delegation of Bretons
returning to their homes in France;
a common occurrence, for the Dumnonii of Devon and Cornwall
also ruled the lands of Brittany from Cornouailles
and Quimber.
Brother
and sister from the House of Poher (my mother’s family, Poore), both had been
born in Brittany but were raised by an uncle in their ancient homeland far up
the River Exe, on what is today the border between Somerset and
Devonshire. Their uncle now dead,
Selyfan (Solomon) and his older sister
Roiantdreh were going back to claim their inheritance in the principality of
Poher, east of Quimber.
During
the cross-channel voyage, Riwald became enraptured with the young woman. Raised
in the wilds of Exmoor, she found no adventure
at living out a life around the antics of the Court of Cornouailles. The woman
and the Scottish merchant devised a scheme where she would smuggle herself back
onboard, before he left the ports of the Bretons.
Dressed as a common seaman, the young woman found her way to Riwald’s ship
undetected. Soon they were safely away, up the coast, with stopovers all along
the way. By the time they reached the northern ports, Roiantdreh was pregnant.
Ranulf of Chrightoun was born at a Frisian seaport, in the waterlogged sub-kingdom of Zealand, the following summer.
Ranulf
of Chrightoun inherited his father’s independence and love of travel. In long voyages, the boy saw the northern
seaports as well as his mother’s homeland. Because of these trading expeditions
and his natural intelligence, Ranulf picked up many dialects at an early age.
By the age of 10, he was as proficient at his mother’s Breton
as he was with the related Cornish dialect. He was as proficient with the many
Germanic dialects encountered in the north but Scotis, he learned, was the
‘trade-language’ in the northern ports.
As he
grew older, Roiantdreh finally made peace with her family from Brittany.
The boy was able to see first hand the ancient Celtic culture of the Dumnonii.
From older family members, he began to take pride in his Creighton past. There
were bards in Devon who knew and sang the
genealogy of Creighton, bringing the time of Justinian Creightonai to life once
more. He discovered for the first time that the Cymry of Devon were the same as
his own people of Strathclyde. He vowed to his mother that he would learn as
much about the old cultures as possible, wanting to train as a bard. She
encouraged his dream, but not as a bard. She wanted him to strive toward an
academic career in Europe.
When
he was 15 years old, word came that Viking raiders working inland from the
mouth of the Tyne, had attacked Dun Creighton.
The old monasteries of Fala and Soutra were destroyed and Ranulf’s grandfather
and three uncles had died in the attacks. Riwald the Blue was called home to
take charge of the thane-hold, leaving the sea forever.
Ranulf’s
early training was at the religious schools at Newbattle. The Borthwicks had
granted much land to the church and it now owned properties in many surrounding
areas, including Cranstoun and Keith.
Riwald rebuilt the burned fortress at Dun Creighton, ringing the whole with a
timber stockade, but Viking attacks were still prevalent and growing in
intensity. In the south, the West Saxons were at war with both the Cymry of
Cornwall as well as the Danes of Mercia, leaving Northumbria to its own fate. In the
west, Kenneth
Macalpine had become the first Scottish
king to unite the Picts, Scotti and Strathclydian Cymry together into the
combined kingdom
of Alba. His capitol was
the ancient Pict stronghold of Scone, in
Perthshire. The West Saxons looked at this
infant kingdom as a threat. Fearing for his family’s safety, Riwald sent Ranulf
and his mother to Brittany. He stayed at Dun
Creighton, being the local chieftain and responsible for organizing his farmers
and tenants into a ‘fyrd levy,’ the Saxon term for regional civilian militia.
These farmer-soldiers would prove to be the one thing that would finally bring
the Viking invasion to a halt, in Wessex in 871.
In
850, Roiantdreh and her 17-year-old son sailed to Quimber and there took the
inland journey to her birthplace. The tiny princedom of Poher was one of the
five that had made up the Kingdom
of Brittany, united under
Roiantdreh’s kinsman, Alain III le Poher. Her father was dead, but her uncle
Arnaud Count of Poher ruled from his stronghold in the Mountains D’Aree. Upon
arrival, she learned that politics there was as bad as in Northumbria.
The Franks under Charles
the Great (Charlemagne) had spent years battling
other Germanic invaders and claimants to the various French thrones. Vikings
from Norway had been called
in as mercenaries and as a reward, were given the lands of Normandy
south of the Seine. These great wanderers were
adept at river raiding, as were all Vikings. They had established strongholds
in Sicily and Russia. Now from Normandy,
they looked at total control of the Frankish kingdoms, including Brittany.
Through intimidation, political intrigue and coercion, the Normans were
eating away the very fabric of Charlemagne’s
original goal of a unified French state.
The
House of Poher and the royal lines of Cornouailles were undermined by the counts
of Rennes and Nantes who, with Norman help, wished to break
up Alain le Poher’s kingdom. Not trusting her own
family members, Roiantdreh sent Ranulf to Boulogne
and the court of Louis the Pious to seek a royal appointment to the University of Paris for her son.
Ranulf
found the troubled king at Charlemagne’s old castle,
the greatest fortification in the Frankish realm. The ancient Castle Boulogne
had once been owned by the family de Lesque, descended from Liscus, chief of
the Aedui, mentioned by Caesar in his Gallic War Commentaries. This family
would in time become the great Clan Leaske of Aberdeenshire.
Ranulf,
upon meeting the King of the Franks, was amazed at Louis’ palace guards. They were Scotsmen from Lothian
and Larnarkshire, his own neighbors from home. The court had so many advisors
from the Lowlands that Scotis was the informal
language of the court. Every Scots advisor, whether tutor or diplomat, was
trained at Paris University. Waiting patiently for his
audience with the king, the boy found his calling among these expatriate
countrymen.
The Roman Church
operated the great school
of Paris. It held,
outside Rome
itself, the best masters of the day. Ranulf, at 20 was a latecomer. Most began
studies as early as age 12, undergoing the first eight years in general studies
of the classics, philosophy and theological pursuits. Ranulf had received much
of this training at Newbattle and his age and talents led him directly to the
master’s school. Depending on the courses taken, this could last from 8-15
years, but there were a growing number of students who sidestepped the theology
for that of secular studies. The church hierarchy fought the trend, but it
would grow until culminating in a massive secular movement in the 1100’s as new
schools sprouted in Northern Europe and Britain. Most Scottish students
(and there were many) chose to go directly into the study of law.
Ranulf
achieved Master’s Status in 871 AD, after 18 years at Paris. He was 38
years old. He had taken all that was offered, mixing ecclesiastical studies and
philosophy with the secular studies of law. This allowed him to enter the
priesthood if he chose, or to work as a consultant to a titled house anywhere
in Europe or the British Isles. He was adept
at 11 languages including Latin and had learned all that he could about world
history and commerce. With what he already had learned as a youth concerning
international trade, he was in a prime position to become a man of wealth and
prestige.
He had
no way of knowing it at the time, but his accomplishment was typical of a
growing number of Northumbrians, especially those from Lowlands Scotland. They
were the cumulative product of a mixture of outward moving nations…Celts,
Romans, Saxons, Angles, Danes, Swedes, Norwegians and Irish Gaels. Their
wanderlust and high intelligence would carry them around the globe.
Ranulf’s
descendants carried on much as he had done for four generations. The Danish
(combined Danish, Norwegian and Swedish) influence continued to grow in the
north as the Viking raiders took over most of Mercia,
East Anglia and Northumbria.
The West Saxon dynasty ruled from Winchester and
after Alfred the Great stopped the
Danes from taking Wessex,
the island settled into a state of semi-peace. The later Saxon kings found that
paying off their Danish neighbors was far better than fighting them. The entire
north became known as the Daneslaw.
Thomas Crechtune (995-1075) was born in East
Creighton near present Lonehead to a man known only by his title, Eric the Shirereeve. Eric
the Shirereeve (964-1024) was Ranulf’s great grandson and as sheriff of
southeast Edinburghshire, he was responsible for the collection of the king’s
taxes in his district. His father Kenneth the Thane retained the fortified
house at Dun Creighton, leaving him a small estate near the forest as well as
estates in Durham and another near Winchester.
Thomas was raised as the son of a minor official who had
dealings with the local earls of Edinburghshire as well as with the courts of Mercia and Wessex. At an early age he was sent
to York,
where he attended schools. While there, he was put into contact with distant
family members ruling as large landowners, who began to promote him for a role
in government service. Through their patronage, he found his way to Europe where
he, like his forefathers, achieved his master’s degree at Paris. Also like
his forefathers, he found that many Scotsmen were there as classmates.
The
patron family of York, who sponsored his education, were members of the old
House of Poher, of Brittany.
Thomas knew little of Ranulf of Chrichtoun and Roiantdreh of Poher aside from that
they were past grandparents, long dead. In 920 AD, Norman intrigue had come to
a climax at Poher; the raiders plundered the countryside of West
Brittany. Roiantdreh’s nephew, Mathuedoi Count of Poher and
joint-king of Brittany
was forced to flee to the court of Aethelstan of Wessex.
The
Saxon king, grandson of Alfred the
Great, greeted the Count of Poher warmly. Aethelstan was embroiled in conflicts
with the Danish Vikings. Count Poher
brought his entire family, plus his court and treasure to England.
Aethelstan gave him and his family extensive estates in Wessex, Cornwall
and York, appointing Mathuedoi ‘King of all the Bretons in England.’
The family still owned the original Devonshire lands of Winford Hill where they
originated, now they owned lands from Cornwall
to Yorkshire. With this hereditary status
established, the House of Poher ruled the combined Celtic Britons and Bretons for 150 years. It was heirs of Mathuedoi who
sponsored the young Creighton student. As in past generations, Thomas underwent the regimen of Paris University,
receiving his master’s degree in 1028 at the age of 33.
Returning to his native land, he found a minor position as clerk through
the House of Poher with the earl of Northumbria. He met and married a
granddaughter of Eric
Bloodaxe, the old Viking king of York,
with the ancient name of Elfgiva, which meant ‘gift of the fairies.’ Together
they established a home in York and whenever possible,
returned to Creighton where his father had given them land at present Pathhead.
In his role as clerk, he soon rose to the attention of earl Elfred as a
clearheaded, methodical thinker. Fluent in all of the island’s dialects, Thomas had also learned Norman French while on the
continent, making him an asset for diplomatic functions. At the time, Danes
controlled the island through Canute (Cnut) the Mighty, who had taken the English throne at the
death of the Saxon king Edmund Ironside of Wessex. Canute
had refined English rule by dividing the kingdom into four major earldoms, Wessex, Kent,
Mercia and Northumbria. Wales and what would become western and northern
Scotland
remained independent kingdoms, although semi-hostile vassal states to the
English throne.
One of Thomas’ first diplomatic
missions was to accompany the earl’s daughter Elflaed to Scone, Perthshire, to
be wedded to the grandson of the King of Alba (Albany). Malcolm II
Dunkeld was nearing the end of his
life and he had no direct male heirs, other than his grandson, Duncan. To seal diplomatic unity between Northumbria (and England)
and Alba, Duncan was to marry Elflaed
of York. In 1031 they bore a son named Malcolm Dunkeld,
also called Canmore (Ceann-Mor), or ‘Big-Head.’
In 1034 the prince proclaimed himself Duncan I King of Scots. The old
House of Albany, in place since Kenneth
Macalpine, died with his
grandfather. At Scone for his coronation was a
large number of Northumbrians. The delegation included Thomas
and Elfgiva Crechtune. The new queen was a distant
cousin of Elfgiva and through her influence; Duncan
was talked into retaining young Crechtune as his court clerk, thus ushering the
Creighton family into a 600-year union as service people to the Scottish Crown.
With
his marital connections to Northumbria,
Duncan
had the power to join the eastern kingdoms to those of the west into the
semblance of a unified kingdom. The country, as yet, was not called Scotland, but Duncan’s
short 6-year reign began the process of regional recognition on the world
stage. To assure a free kingdom, Duncan
needed help from England,
the Scandinavian kingdoms as well as those of Europe.
His greatest enemy was from home, with his own relations of Morray seeking to
overthrow his rule.
He is
remembered as being a young, spoiled and impetuous king, but much of the
history came from 15th century writings. He had an ongoing feud with
a northern cousin, Macbeth the Mormaer, or Steward,
of Morray. Fearing for his family’s safety, he chose Thomas Crechtune
and Andreas Borthwick of Lothian to take his young son
Malcolm south to England. The
intent was to leave Prince Malcolm
and Thomas’ son Eadric with Scotsmen
at the Saxon court in Winchester, then proceed
to Europe to gain support and foreign aid.
Meeting with Crechtune and Borthwick, Duncan
looked at his options, which hinged around the volatile royal succession of the
Saxon Court.
The two young clerks advised the king on the current state of affairs at Winchester.
THE PRINCELING AND THE LION
Canute the Mighty, once the fearful pagan King of Mercia,
was ill and would die within months. In his younger days he had ruled as
joint-king of England with Edmund Ironside
of Wessex,
collecting the ‘Danesgeld,’ as Saxons paid the Danes to remain at peace. This
Norse national extortion had been in effect for decades. Canute
reigned from 1016-1035, becoming a strong leader and great Christian king of England. His
wife, though, presented a problem.
Emma
of Normandy represented a barrier to the normal and traditional Saxon
succession of the House of Ceridic of Wessex. She was not only Canute’s wife,
but the widow of the old Saxon king Ethelred the Unready as well as being a
Norman, sister to Duke Richard. As Crechtune and Borthwick laid this out to
their king, Duncan
began to see how severe the state of events had become. The fate of English
succession would eventually affect his kingdom as well. He asked for a
simplified listing of the claimants.
1.
Ethelred King of Wessex had by
his first wife:
a. Edmund
Ironside Heir to the throne
2.
Ethelred King of Wessex
had by Emma of Normandy:
b. Edward
the Confessor
c. Alfred
Prince of England
3.
Upon Ethelred’s death, Edmund Ironside
became King of Wessex while his mother
Emma of Normandy married Canute,
King of Mercia.
4.
Edmund Ironside had sons and heirs:
d.
Edmund
e.
Edward Aethling (nephew of Ironside and
grandson of Edward the Confessor)
5.
Canute has Edmund Ironside
murdered in 1016, claiming the throne for himself. Emma of Normandy vows that
only her children through Canute will
be heirs to the English throne. These sons were:
f. Harold
g. Hardicanute
6. King Canute banished
Ironside’s sons and heirs to death in Sweden,
but the Swedish king pardoned them and sent them to Normandy. Edward
the Confessor and Prince Alfred
are taken as wards of Richard
Duke of Normandy,
while an infant Edward
Aethling is sent to Hungary and the
court of King Stephen I.
h.
The sons of Richard of
Normandy, Robert and William both claimed title to the English throne
through Emma.
King Duncan pondered over the list for days. He saw the Normans as a threat, being an
extension of the Norse overlords that had kept Britain in check through extortion
and intimidation for 200 years. Canute’s
sons, Harold and Hardicanute
were in the same league, molded by their mother and the powerful Goodwin Earl
of Wessex. Edward the Confessor,
although first in line to assume the throne under normal circumstances, was now
32 and entirely in the Norman camp. He had married
a French woman and the Saxon burgers of London,
who controlled the king’s council financially, viewed him with contempt. His
affinity for Norman French ways soured them. Duncan saw that 19-year-old Edward Aethling,
far away in Hungary,
posed the best alternative for the future of his new kingdom of Scots. Duncan
directed Crechtune and Borthwick to make ready for a diplomatic mission as soon
as Canute was dead. His young son Malcolm, as well as Crechtune’s son Eadric would be
escorted to Winchester,
where they would be out of harm from Macbeth and his
agents from Morray. Leaving loyal servants and Elfgiva Crechtune
in charge of the children, Crechtune and Borthwick would then go to Hungary
and seek aid and support from King Stephen
as well as the English prince, Edward
Aethling.
The
retinue left Scone late in 1035 for the south.
Word had come of Canute’s death. With
four-year-old Prince Malcolm
went Crechtune, his wife and their two-year-old son. They traveled with over
100 servants and men-at-arms, going overland to Edinburgh and there taking sea transport to Southampton. Andreas Borthwick
went separately, taking the overland route through Lothian and down into Mercia to meet with the earl of Northumbria before going on from York.
At Winchester, Crechtune made final arrangements for his
family and the prince’s care before meeting Borthwick at London. The city was in turmoil. Harold had assumed his father’s throne at Canute’s death, sending his brother Hardicanute
to run to the safety of Normandy.
Plotting with Duke Richard,
Hardicanute conspired to send Edward
the Confessor and Edward’s brother Alfred to seize the throne from Harold,
but Prince Alfred
was killed in the madness and Hardicanute recalled Edward to Normandy
before he, as well, was murdered. The two Scotsmen saw that all haste was
required to reach Hungary.
The diplomats led a mixed band of civil servants,
clerics and soldiery. The military unit was a levy of Lothian tenant-soldiers
bound for the Hungarian court as royal guards. Detachments such as these were
now in place all over northern Europe in
almost every kingdom and duchy. Entrusted to Crechtune was a gift from Duncan
to King Stephen,
which had personal reverence for Thomas.
It was an ancient illuminated Celtic gospel, saved from the flames of Lindisfarne when the Vikings burned the church. A
Crechtune ancestor at Soutra had transcribed it in great and colorful detail.
The kingdom
of Hungary was just
emerging from a barbaric past. The man who they were supposed to seek council
with was born a pagan prince to a chieftain of Gran, named Geza. The boy, born
at Gran in 975 AD, had only his father’s chieftainship to inherit. But, when he
was 10 years old, archbishop Adelbert of Prague brought the Gospel and both the
boy and his father were baptized. The boy, called Vaik (Vojk) changed his name
to Stephen and he seceded his father
as tribal chief in 997 AD.
He rapidly became a rising star in Christendom. For
his wife he chose Gisela, sister of Duke Henry of Bavaria, the future Emperor
Henry II.
Together, the couple forged a Christian kingdom in Hungary. Stephen’s
efforts soon came to the attention of Pope Sylvester II
and in 1001, the Pope personally crowned him at Gran, proclaiming Stephen the First King of Hungary.
The party of Scotsmen ran into many delays due to
warfare across France. They did not
arrive at Gran until 1038, only to find King Stephen
ill and on his deathbed. They never had a chance to talk with him; he died days
after their arrival. Crestfallen, they kept to one side as the king was put to
rest. The great book of Lindisfarne was given
to the king’s daughter Agatha, who
sent it to the family chapel with the Scottish monks. With their domestic and
civil servants helping Queen Gisela
and her daughter Agatha with the
funeral arrangements, the women and Agatha’s
princely husband became fast friends of Duncan’s emissaries.
Throughout the weeklong funeral, dignitaries from
many kingdoms near and far paid their respects. As King
Duncan’s ambassadors, Crechtune
and Borthwick introduced the island kingdom to officials that had rarely heard
of it, other than being a vassal state of England. Duncan had sent them to Hungary, in
part, to discuss unified support by helping place Edward Aethling
on the English throne. Agatha of Hungary had recently married Edward Aethling.
Crechtune and Borthwick were introduced to their new son, Edgar Aethling.
The baby, born that same year, was a contemporary of Prince
Malcolm Dunkeld
(MacDuncan) and Crechtune’s son Eadric. In 1044 Edgar’s
sister Christian was born and a year
later, the youngest sister, Margaret
was born. These three siblings would become the last heirs to the West Saxon
throne of Wessex.
Duncan’s
immediate goal, however, was aid in his growing war with his cousin Macbeth. The long negotiations beginning at Stephen’s funeral would last for four years, taking
either Crechtune or Borthwick from Gran to Normandy and back again with talks between
the two royal princes. They also traveled to England
and Denmark
to seek council with supporters there. While this was occurring, Macbeth
lured King Duncan
to an area near the castle of Glamis at Elgin
and had him killed. In 1040 the Mormaer of Morray became King of Scots at Scone.
History says that Agatha,
who was the force behind Edward
Aethling, did not leave Hungary until
1057. I cannot see this as possible, for two reasons. She would have encouraged
Edward to seek the throne as soon as
her father died. Her mother retired into obscurity, perhaps to a convent. Her
cousins, nephews of King Stephen,
possibly sought his overthrow, plunging the young Christian country back into
tribal paganism. There is reason to believe that it was the nephews who
poisoned the king at Gran in 1038. With her husband and her son both
heir-apparent to the English throne, she would have wanted to be as close to
the center of activity as possible. Secondly, Prince Edgar Aethling
is always shown as being born in Hungary,
but often his sister Christian is
shown as being born in Wessex,
which was 1044. A year later, Margaret
again is shown as being born in Hungary.
I think that the family, with Crechtune and Borthwick, went back to Winchester in 1042 when Edward the Confessor took the throne upon the sudden
death of King Hardicanute.
This, of course, leads to a more refined series of
events surrounding Crechtune and Borthwick. Macbeth
killed Duncan
in 1040, ushering in that man’s 17-year reign. Hardicanute
died in 1042, allowing the London burgers to
force the Witan in calling Edward the
Confessor to the throne of England.
Edward Aethling was his nephew, long separated
since their exile. The king was 40 and Aethling was 26. I see the first
Hungarian retinue arriving then, as a royal homecoming. At Winchester, Aethling and Agatha would have met the Scots prince Malcolm, now 11 and 9 year-old Eadric Crechtune.
Bonds would have formed from this time. Someone had to pay for Malcolm’s upbringing and Edward Aethling
is the most likely source, backed by King Edward’s treasury.
By 1044 when Christian
was born, the political situation may have forced the Aethling group back to Hungary,
especially if Queen Gisela
had died and Agatha was forced to
fight for her inheritance. Edward the
king had brought many Norman nobles to aid in his government, causing a growing
anti-Norman league to form around Earl Goodwin and
his son, Harold
Godwinsson. Before leaving once
again for the continent, Aethling or the king left a young Norman knight named de Lavedre (Lauder) in charge of Prince
Malcolm. The boy-prince was
already formulating a plan to return to his homeland and take his father’s
throne away from Macbeth.
Thomas Crechtune and Andreas Borthwick
may have returned to Hungary
with the royal couple or stayed in England,
but it is doubtful if they ventured far into Scotland due to Macbeth’s
presence. It is apparent that both found their way back to Gran before 1057,
for that is the year that Edward Aethling made his triumphant return officially
as Prince of England with full Norman backing. Sadly, he died four months
later, leaving Agatha and her children
alone in a foreign land. Upon Edward’s
demise, Agatha wished to return again
to Hungary
with her children. Either King Edward
the Confessor or Crechtune talked her into remaining in England. Edgar was 19 and required training to prepare for his
possible kingship. His sister Christian, 13 and young Margaret of Hungary, 12,
also required religious training and grooming as royal princesses. Agatha consented, allowing the girls to go to the
abbey of Amesbury, Wiltshire, while Edgar
sought final schooling at Ely in present Cambridge.
That same year and possibly in conjunction with Edward
Aethling’s return and backing, Prince Malcolm, now 26, led his expatriate force
of Scotsmen and Norman allies north to meet Macbeth. With him went his friend
and advisor de Lavedre and 24-year-old Ceridic Crechtune.
He found the king and killed him, proclaiming himself Malcolm III
MacDuncan, King of Scots. To forge
a strong bond with the northern kingdoms, he took as his bride a Norwegian from
the royal line of Olav
Haralsson, Ingebjorg of Norway
(1031-1064). Her father was earl Finn Arnesson of Trondelag, Austratt.
The official coronation was held the following
Easter at Scone, 28 April 1058. Both Thomas Crechtune
and Andreas Borthwick were honored for helping his
family. Both became barons of their Lothian lands and remained in his service
as personal advisors. To the Norman knight de
Lavedre, he granted the extensive lands of Lauder, southeast of
Creighton. Eadric
Crechtune as well remained with
his friend and king as part of his personal bodyguard. The two would remain
fast friends and battle companions for life.
Queen Ingebjorg
of Scots died in 1064, 6 years into Malcolm’s
reign. The king had become popular with his subjects and all looked to see who
he would chose as his future wife. The king would have killed anyone who
suggested it, but much of his prosperity was due, not to his father Duncan, but to Macbeth of Morray. Shakespeare’s
play does him little justice. He became a competent king and united the entire
country, north and south, into a unified kingdom. He built churches and
monasteries, which had been wasted and destroyed during the Viking years. 7
years before his death, Macbeth had undertaken a
personal pilgrimage to Rome
and found favor with the Pope. Deep down, Malcolm III
knew he had to follow suit, or loose influence with his nobles.
That year Malcolm
learned that his deceased wife’s family planned an attack on England if King Edward should die.
This would mean another bout with the Norsemen and this family in particular
already had hold of lands as far away as Kiev,
in Russia.
Malcolm sent Thomas Crechtune
and Andreas Borthwick to London to report to King
Edward, now old and sickly.
Edward’s
Westminster Cathedral was nearing completion and it had become the king’s
overriding obsession, but once again, the question of succession was on
everyone’s lips. The men learned that Duke Robert of Normandy,
Duke William
of Normandy, Harald of Denmark and Norway and Harold Godwisson
earl of East Anglia
all vied for the throne. Again, Malcolm
put his support behind Edgar
Aethling, now 26, or William of
Normandy. The Norman duke had vowed to stop any Danish invasion.
Late in 1065, Edward
the Confessor died just after the cathedral was completed. On his deathbed he
passed over his nephew Edgar
Aethling in favor of Harold Godwinsson,
son of the old earl of Wessex.
Harold II became king for a few short
months. His brother Tostig earl of Northumbria
sided with the Danes and Harold met
him and the Danish fleet at Stamford Bridge, Yorkshire in
September. William of Normandy, while Duke Robert was absent in France, chose to
attack directly at Kent before Harold could rally his tired troops. The rest, as
they say, is history. William landed
at Kent
and met Harold’s army at Hastings,
where the king fell. The Duke of Normandy immediately named Edgar Aethling
rightful heir to the throne, but recanted and claimed it for himself. On
Christmas Day, 1066, William the
Conqueror took the crown as King William
I of England.
Who knows what was in Malcolm’s
mind. He chose to benefit from Harald of Norway’s usurpation of the English
throne, but he backed the Norman instead, thinking Edgar would receive the crown. He put his arms out to
Aethling and his dejected family. For the last time, Crechtune and Borthwick
journeyed to Winchester
to meet with Agatha of Hungary, who now had ample reason to return home. Her
daughter Margaret was now a young
woman, as was Christian, Margaret’s sister. Edgar Aethling
looked toward Malcolm as a beacon of
stability in his northern kingdom, far from the Norman court of William.
Sometime during that first year of William’s
reign, Agatha was persuaded to join Malcolm’s court with her children, with the hopes
that the King of Scots would choose one of her daughters as his wife.
They left by ships from London, with William’s
proficient dock clerks recording the names of all members of the ‘Hungarian
retinue’ of the aging widow of Prince Edward Aethling.
In 1067 they set sail and moved up the coast to the Forth, where Malcolm met them at Edinburgh.
Somehow, Raphael
Holinshed, in his “Chronicle of
England,
Scotlande and Irelande” (1577) lists both Crechtune and Andreas Borthwick,
along with many other Scots, as being Hungarian. This single error from what
became the leading source material for Shakespeare’s
“Macbeth” has caused problems in family
origins for over 400 years.
Malcolm
met them at Edinburgh,
where he had established himself to be closer to the border warfare with William’s English forces. He viewed young Edgar as the true King of England and vowed to
support his efforts in regaining the throne. Edgar
attached himself to Malcolm as one of
his knights. The king immediately took a liking to Margaret,
but the young woman had chosen religion over marriage and tried to put her
older sister to the forefront. The king, though, would hear nothing of it. To
save face and assure Edgar’s chance
for attaining the English throne through Malcolm,
Agatha talked Margaret
into marrying the king.
And thus became the founding of many dynasties, with
the family Creighton woven throughout. Married in 1070, they had eight
children, beginning with six sons. They were Edward,
Edmund, Edgar, Ethelred, Alexander, David,
Matilda (Maud)
and Mary. Two of her sons lived to
rule as Kings of Scotland, Alexander
and David, and her daughter Maud became the Queen of England when she married Henry I, son of William
the Conqueror.
Although she was the Queen of Scotland, Margaret continued to live a very austere and deeply
religious life, founding hospices, building churches, and helping the poor. She
began a form of women's club, in which the women read the scriptures and
embroidered vestments for the Church. She brought refinement to the Scottish Court,
with her love of art, education and culture. She helped bring the Scottish
church in line with Rome
by bringing together the ancient Celtic-Culdee and Roman
priests together in a conclave to resolve points of dispute. Versed in the
newer cannon laws of Rome, she pushed to abolish
the Old Saxon and Celtic
Church system that
allowed priests and clerics to take wives.
As for Malcolm III,
he spent 20 years fighting the Normans who beat at
his border. In campaign after campaign he rode down into Northumbria,
with Prince Edgar,
his growing sons and Eadric
Crechtune beside him. Aside from de Lavedre of Lauder who remained his close friend and
advisor, Malcolm discouraged further
Norman land grants. He chose instead to spread the wealth of his kingdom to
those who helped him the most. Large church estates developed, one being in the
lands of Keith east of Creighton. Here
a monastery called ‘Priests
Town’ rose. It became so
extensive that the people of the area took the name Preston
as their own. On Creighton land east of Fala Dam
was built a convent, with new improvements made to the ancient church
properties at Fala and Soutra. The Creightons controlled the nun’s abbey from a
village called Crechtunedean (Dean
Creighton). In North Creighton,
the Preston holdings boasted new abbeys and
hospices at Cranston-Riddle.
Malcolm’s
sixth son David was made the first
earl of Galloway,
who in turn took many Creightons of Midlothian as tenants and wardens beyond
the River Cree.
On November 13, 1093, Malcolm, Eadric Crechtune, and
the King’s eldest son Edward led a force into Northumbria to lay siege to a
Norman stronghold. While storming the castle, all three lost their lives. Three
days later on November 16, Queen Margaret expired at Edinburgh Castle
upon hearing of the deaths. Malcolm and Margaret were buried at the Church
Abbey of Dunfermline in Fife, which she had
built.
Eadric Crechtune’s body returned to
East Creighton to be buried beside his father Thomas, who had passed away in his sleep in 1075. Far
away at Westminster,
Norman clerks pawed through the giant books comprising King William’s Domesday
Survey of 1086, but the King now was also dead. They made lists of the 13,000
properties that were of taxable value, which would then be given to the
sheriffs and bishops for local collections. They paid little attention as they
transcribed names from the accompanying maps, especially those in the Scots Land
where taxes were few in coming. Tucked in between Loweder, Neutun and Dalketh
was the tiny barony of Krektun. The old knight de Lavedre
of Lauder, in leaving the small funeral, made an entry in his journal praising
the life of Sir Eadric de ‘Kreitton’.
De Lavedre
rode alone, deep in thought, following the general crowd back through the village of Long Crechtune and the river. Ahead of
him he watched the 22-year-old Thorstan of Crechtune mount the grade to the
stone tower, with a small boy in tow. He knew him as the elder son of Eadric
and now, lord of the barony. The boy was his tiny son, Thurstan de Crechtune,
three years old. Catching up to them at the gate to the tower, the old knight
called out to Thorstan and handed him a cloth-wrapped bundle. “This is for the
boy,” he said and then rode on toward Fala and home. Thorstan stood for a
moment and then un-wrapped the package. It was his father’s ancient round
wooden shield, the faded blue lion now but a distant outline. With tears in his
eyes he looked down at the bottom of the hill at the pile of rubble by the
river. Then he looked beyond, toward Dalketh and the king’s resting place at Edinburgh,
so far beyond the villa walls.
Earlier, I mentioned a memorial stone placed at the
top of Bankhead Moor in 483 AD. It is a fictional account, but is in line with
what has been described as ‘Roman
Graffiti’ scattered all over
Lowland Scotland.
Throughout its 400-year occupation of Britain, Roman
legions and auxiliaries along the Caledonian frontier were cut off from loved
ones at home. They carved in stone, many times in the face of the walls,
everything from shopping lists to love letters. Thousands of them from all over
Britain
commemorate deaths of fellow soldiers, wives or children. My source for Justinian
Creightonai came from an Edinburgh scholar that studied
these stones. His book gave the phrase ‘From the Rocky Homeland’ and it was he
who wrote of Justinian being granted the Creighton lands of Midlothian
in 283 AD. Perhaps his source was a memorial stone at Crichton Mains, the same
Bankhead Moor location that my stone was placed. In any event, Justinian
Creightonai was a real person, as was the small boy, Thurstan de Crechtune,
mentioned at the end of this chapter; 790 years of fiction, connected at each
end by obscure ancestors.

Church Abbey of Dunfermline in Fife
PART III:
WHEN BOYS WERE KINGS
ROYAL ORPHANS
The death of King Malcolm III
in 1093 ushered in a new era for Scotland. The fictional Eadric Crechtune
of East Creighton, Edinburghshire died in the
same battle. They fought against the tyrannical rule of Rufus of Normandy,
crowned William
II upon the death
of his father, William the Conqueror.
None knew, at the time of their deaths, how convoluted the lives of the descendants
of this Norman family would become.
When the Norman regime took over
the Anglo-Saxon lands 27 years before, William
I set about restructuring the entire kingdom. He retained the original 40
shires, but placed his loyal Norman,
Flemish and Breton (Celtic-Britons of Brittany)
knights in charge of all jurisdictions. He created a new system of ‘Honours’
where parts of a shire were controlled from centralized fortified castles. To
reinforce his structure, he wed his daughter Constance
to Alian VI Fergant Duke of Brittany, who was a
descendant of Count Mathuedoi
of Poher (Poore). Alain was made First Earl of Richmond. The King also
instituted changes in the structure of the church. Some Anglo-Saxon bishops
were kept in place, but William
brought in continental clergy for the most part. The old church, which had
evolved from Celtic origins, now had to adhere to the updated Roman cannon laws
and institutions. The whole was due to the genius of Lanfranc Archbishop of
Canterbury. University-trained in theology as well as law, he became second to
the King. Rural dioceses, active since the 600s found themselves displaced for
newer urban bishoprics, better suited for tax collections. Only in Wales, Cornwall
and the northern kingdom of Scotland
was there resistance to change.
Malcolm III’s
demise was due in part to this resistance. The eastern shires of Scotland still fell under the jurisdiction of Northumbria,
where the old Anglo-Saxon earls held sway. Culturally, Lowlands Scotland began
at the Umber River
and encompassed northern Yorkshire, Durham and Cumberland. His uncle, Earl Siward,
raised Malcolm at York. In 1069, William sent his sons, led by Rufus, into Cornwall, Devon and Wales to subjugate the Britons of
Cymry. Norman-based earls, either relatives or close companions of the King
were established to rule over those trouble spots. Angered and uneasy, Malcolm
and his brother-in-law Prince Edgar Aetheling sought aid from Sweyn, King of
Denmark, who sent a fleet to the Umber River to help them against the Normans,
taking York in the process. William
turned his army north and wrecked havoc in Mercia
and Northumbria.
He lay waste the countryside, burning towns, crops, churches and monasteries
well into southern Scotland.
The Danes were paid to vacate and by 1070, nothing remained in the northern
shires but rubble. Widespread famine and economic hardship for the entire
island followed. At the Treaty of Abernethy in 1072, Malcolm
was forced to relinquish his son Duncan
to William as a royal hostage.
This single event, passed over
lightly in official histories, was probably the first time Creightons entered
the political arena since escorting Malcolm’s
wife from Hungary to Scotland. Prince Duncan was the son
of Malcolm and his first wife,
Ingebjorg of Orkney. The boy would have been about 12 and Malcolm
would have sent Scottish caretakers with him to William’s
court. Of course, no data remains as to who accompanied Duncan
into exile, but the possibility remains that one, or more were Creightons. Malcolm’s wife, Margaret,
knew them as trusted advisors. Edinburgh,
but 12 miles away from Creighton, remained the royal seat. It may not have been
a knight of Eadrics caliber, but the queen would have seen fit to send a
clergyman south with her stepson. Prince Duncan, however, never forgave his father
for sending him to England.
This anger would cause ripples in the royal House of Scotland, which would lead
to decades of family feuds. In 1083, King William I retired to Normandy to see to his own never-ending
family feuds. He died there in 1087.
Rufus of Normandy was crowned William II upon his father’s death. As
Field Marshall, it had been he who ransacked Northumbria. To maintain his
dwindling hold on the south and to help his Northumbrian relations, Malcolm brought Gospatrick Earl of Northumbria
north. He granted him the lands of Dunbar
and other Lothian locations, making this ancient family with Celtic origins the
strongest in the southeast. The seat of Gospatrick was at Dunbar,
on the coast of East Lothian near the Berwick border.
This was an important move, for Berwick had been the location of the ancient Celtic Church
at Lindisfarne Abbey. York
was the traditional seat of the Saxon Church of England. Archbishop
Lanfranc sought to wrest control
from the see of York
and replace it with central power from Westminster
and Canterbury.
With Gospatrick of Dunbar came his son, Hudred, as Earl of Lothian, while his
son, Helias, ruled as Prince of Lothian from Dundas
(South Fort) near Edinburgh.
Malcolm’s move assured a stable Anglo-Saxon
frontier against Norman advancement into Scotland. These early transplanted
earls of Northumbria
formed the base of what would become the very powerful clique, the Lords of the
East March. *
*This strange word, March, seen
so often in histories of Scotland,
had an ancient meaning and came with the Normans. It originated in the 9th
century among the Franks. While fighting the
independent Celtic kingdoms of Brittany, regions would be
taken over and titles of king outlawed. The conquered kingdoms would be divided
into smaller ‘Marches,’
with counts becoming the ruling heads as March Wardens. In Britain, the
March became a military district of the Borders Region, held by a leading Earl instead of a count. They crossed shire
boundaries and used natural land features for defensive purposes. Within England Proper, they were called the ‘Ridings,’
today’s subdivided Yorkshire. In Southern Scotland, they were the East, Middle and West
March extending from Berwick to Wigtown, Galloway.
In King Malcolm’s
time, the terminology did not yet exist.
During Prince
Duncan’s forced exile as a royal
hostage, he found favor with Rufus, who catered to the boy as he grew. If the
boy had Creighton advisors, they would have become Anglicized to some degree
during these years. As the boy grew older, Rufus granted him his own castle on
the Tyne near Newcastle,
as a form of semi-house arrest. From here and with help from William Rufus,
Prince Duncan
began to conspire with French and English aids against his father.
By 1093, Malcolm
found most of his time revolved around his growing family, his saintly wife and
his primary holdings of Lothian and Strathclyde. His younger brother Donald Bane,
Lord of the Isles, ruled Scotia north of the Clyde.
This split in Scottish unity remained in effect for decades. Donald Bane
represented the old western and northern mixture of Gaelic Scots, Picts and
Norsemen who had formed the House of Alba with Kenneth Macalpine.
Malcolm III, although labeled as King of
Scots, actually held a firm grip on only his southern and eastern counties,
with Saxon-English help. He got along with his brother, but for the most part,
the Mormaers controlled the ancient northern kingdoms.
These were the Lords of the
north, first named as earls by Macbeth, who had been
the Mormaer of Moray. As a unit, the great earls were ‘protectors’ of Scotia. Malcolm
upset the apple cart when he began importing Anglo-Saxons from Northumbria as
earls of the Lothians and other southern districts. The Mormaer earls north of
the Clyde viewed the newcomers with suspicion,
while the Britons of Strathclyde saw them as their old Saxon enemies. Many, in
fact, called the region south of the Forth ‘Saxony.’
The senior mormaers ruled a vast territory, which included the Scottish
Highlands to the lowlands of Fife, Angus and Aberdeenshire. Malcolm and his later royal
sons begun to place close associates in the lowland regions north of the Forth,
such as the Hungarian knight Bartolf, friend of Edgar Aetheling and Malcolm’s
governor of Edinburgh Castle. This man acquired, from Malcolm III,
lands in Fife, Angus, the Mearns and Aberdeen. He was the
ancestor of Clan Leslie and became a traditional enemy of the House of Forbes
of Aberdeenshire. Rapidly, the King’s granting of northern lands to his
favorites led to war.
The 13-year reign of William II Rufus
of England
was a brutal one. His family, his knights, the public and his many enemies
jointly despised him. His elder brother Robert
was the rightful heir to the English throne, but the Duke was beset with constant
fighting in Normandy
to retain his continental holdings. Another brother, Henry Beauclerc,
roamed Normandy
with his own small army. William I had
left this Prince with only cash settlements in his will. Henry,
whose personal chaplain was Roger le Poor
of Caen, was highly intelligent and resourceful. Henry
also eyed the English throne.
To pay for his wars, William Rufus
stole from his own bishoprics. He continued to fortify the kingdom, however, in
the system begun by his father. Honours were expanded and new castles built to
protect them. At first, they were wood timber and earthen rampant structures,
but followed the same continental design, which became the classic ‘motte and
bailey’ stone castle. The Normans were masters of this form
of architecture. In the war zones along the Welsh border, the timber castles
and forts would remain for another 300 years; massive affairs often with a
stucco veneer, painted to resemble solid stone.
In 1093, Rufus once again looked
north to Malcolm’s kingdom, now having
Duncan Ceanmor, 33 years of age, in his own camp.
He sent troops to Yorkshire to occupy Alnwick
(pronounced Annick) Castle, held by Robert Mowbray Earl
of Northumberland. Prince Duncan,
married to a Northumbrian heiress (Eythelreda, daughter of Earl Gospatrick
of Dunbar), should have stood with Malcolm, but sent secret emissaries, possibly
Creightons, to France instead. That
November, Malcolm stormed the castle
and was killed, from ambush by Mowbrays men one mile from the castle.
Hopefully, we can now move on.
1093 should have been a footnote, uneventful other than it being the year a
king died. The problem lies in the Creighton history. Nothing remains as to who
they were in the 11th century, beyond the writings of Hollinstead in
the 1570s. Scottish land charters did not yet exist. The only way we can
analyze their advancement and that of their neighbor’s is to study the times
and events, both Scottish and English. With France
now on stage, that country as well becomes a part of family history. For the
first time, a Creighton of record is born and is a contemporary of future kings
and villains. While Thurstan
de Crechtune was nursed at Dun
Creighton, the late King Malcolm’s
royal brood waited at Edinburgh
Castle, where their
mother had also died. They were surrounded by trouble. One uncle, Donald Bane,
loomed just across the Forth to pounce on Edinburgh and the vacant throne.
Their other uncle Edgar
Aetheling abandoned them and left
for Sicily,
to fight with the Norman dukes located there. Their aunt Christian Aetheling
(1044-1102) was the resident Abbess of Romsey Abbey in Hampshire, England.
As soon as the double funeral was over, all at Edinburgh waited
throughout the winter for the axe to fall. The royal (orphaned) siblings were:
Edgar Ceannmor age 20
(1073-1107) Fought for throne from Lothian.
Alexander, age 16, (1077-1123)
exiled to England.
Edmund, age 15, (1078-1100),
aligned himself with Donald Bane, exiled as monk to Montachute Abbey.
Maud, age 14, (Matilda, 1079-1118) exiled to the Norman court of
William Rufus.
Edward, age 11, (1082- ), exiled
to England.
David, age 9, (1084-1153) exiled
to the Norman court of William Rufus, spent 30 years in England.
Aethelred, (age unknown), later
Earl of Fife and abbot of Dunkeld.
Mary, age 3, (1090- ) probably
exiled to Romsey Abbey under aunt’s care.
It would stand to reason that
Creightons were already in residence at Edinburgh as royal servants and
minor court officials. The town and castle prepared for an assault, which came
early in 1094 with Donald
Bane (The Fair), who was supported
by his 15-year-old nephew, Prince Edmund Ceanmor.
Edinburgh
fell and Donald
Bane proclaimed himself King of
Scots. He immediately expelled the remaining siblings to exile in England, sending young Matilda
and David directly to Westminster and William Rufus.
The English King, however, saw no gain in allowing a northerner to be ruler. He
and Prince Duncan
led a combined English-French force to Edinburgh, where Donald Bane
was dethroned and deposed. Duncan
II took control of
his father’s kingdom in May, with his brother Edmund and the deposed Donald Bane
directly opposed him from Fife and
Aberdeenshhire. During his short reign, the first Scottish land charters are
recorded. Seven months later, Bane’s men killed Duncan in Aberdeen and Donald
once more became king, taking the north for himself and giving the south to
Edmund.
Meanwhile
Prince Edgar
gathered strength in Lothian, with help from Gospatrick and his family, meeting
Donald Bane and Prince Edmund late in 1097. Bane was captured and
forced into exile, having one eye put out before sending him away. Edmund the
boy-warrior was dealt with in less harsh terms, but Edgar
had him stripped of his titles. He was forced to join the monks at Montachute Abbey
in Somerset,
where he died in 1100. That same year events unraveled near Romsey Abbey,
where Edmund’s aunt was Abbess and his youngest sister lived in exile. In the New Forest hunting reserve, William Rufus
was ‘accidentally’ killed by a hunter’s arrow. Rushing home from Normandy ahead of his
brother Robert, Henry Beauclerc
seized the English throne as King Henry
I. As Edmund
Ceannmor lay dying at Montachute,
his oldest sister Maud, called Matilda by the English, married the new King. At the royal wedding, 16-year-old David Ceannmor
watched the Norman ceremonies, awed by the pageantry. His brother Alexander, now grown, returned home and set up
residence north of the Clyde, sharing rule
with his brother Edgar. The ancient
Antonian Wall split north and south, as assuredly as it had done in the times
of the Romans. In 1102, Abbess Christian
Aetheling died at Romsey, ending
forever the ties with her Hungarian-Saxon roots and Scotland. The old diplomatic
families of Creighton and Borthwick remained, now scattered among all of the
warring factions as retainers, clergy, knights and chamberlains. With the
ascension of David
Ceannmor as David I King of Scots,
history would alter yet again.
THURSTAN DE CRECHTUNE
Thurstan de Crechtune would
have been born around 1090 at Long Creighton village or at Dun Creighton,
Edinburghshire. There is evidence that he had a brother or uncle, Alexander, with lands in Berwick. At his birth, the
only local Norman
was de Lavedre, who became the family Lauder of
Lauderdale. One of the first things that King Edgar Ceannmor
initiated was a mandatory surname from all of his subjects. Like William the Conquerors Domesday Survey, it
undoubtedly had taxation as the ulterior motive, but surname survival through
hereditary implementation was how it was promoted. For the grassroots commoner,
it held little meaning. These country farmers and urban tradesmen carried on as
before with names like John
Baker (the baker) or William Miller
(the mill-wright). These people rarely traveled beyond their home territory and
owed taxes directly to their local laird. It was the titled, or noble houses
that were of interest to the King. His tenants-in-chief, his knights and their
under-tenants were all dear to his purse. The outdated Saxon ‘first name only’
no longer worked. The new system was also the very beginning of the heraldic
process whereas their arms and seals, or crests, evolved into recorded coat of
arms. With surname regularity on a father-to-son basis established, tax
collection and call-ups for military duty would become much easier. A heraldic
blazon, a common name or a home location, as in Thurstan de Crechtune,
could now track the often-mobile nobility. As son of Trorstan of Crechtune and
descendant of Justinian Creightonai, Thurstan would carry the blue lion arms as
his official signature.
With Henry
I as his mentor and his sister as queen of England, David Ceannmor,
like Edward the Confessor before him,
relished the ways of the Norman court. Norman French had been the language of
the court since William’s time, but
never in the frontier sectors. In Cornwall,
Devonshire, Somerset, Cheshire
and Wales,
Norman earls and knights assimilated into the Celtic society. The same was true
in the north. The few Norman imports, like de Lavedre
of Lauder, soon became Lowland Scots in name and culture. Only when David returned home to Edinburgh did
Norman ways follow.
David Ceannmor was
long a prodigy of Henry I. When David’s brother, Edgar,
died in 1107 after a brief illness, Henry
had already advanced the 23-year-old David
to be Prince of Cumbria (the disputed region that had long been claimed by
Strathclyde and was actually a southern extension of east Galloway, Dumfries
and Annandale).
With Edgar’s death, David negotiated with his brother Alexander and once again, they split the Kingdom. Alexander remained in place as ruler of Scotia above
the Clyde, while David ruled South
Scotland from Northampton, England. This shaky joint-rule went
on for 17 years, with Alexander
claiming overall kingship as the elder, resident brother. During Alexander’s reign, he created a new bishopric at
Dunkeld on Loch Tay, earlier held by lay abbots, which included his younger
brother Aethelred. The ancient Culdee community was disbanded in favor of
bishops and a chapter of secular cannons. He did much the same in Moray at
Spynie and Elgin.
In 1114, Henry
I negotiated to have David married to Matilda, widowed heiress of Northumberland, Northampton and
Huntingdon. Henry created the Honour
of Huntingdon with David as earl. This
placed David in control of a vast 11-county
manor-hold, straddling the disputed English-Scottish border. Prior to 1124, he
was also advanced to become Earl of Lothian and Cumbria,
which included portions of Galloway.
Throughout Alexander’s reign, David sought to reinforce his holdings with Norman-based
knights, which included many Breton and Flemish
mid-ranking noblemen. When Alexander
died in 1124, David made his grand
entry into Edinburgh,
surrounded by his friends and companions-in-arms: Comyn, Freskin the Fleming,
Walter Flaad (Fitzallen) the Steward, seneschal
(chief) of Dol, Brittany. There was Robert de Brus,
first Lord of Annandale, Baldwin the Fleming
and William de Dufglas (Douglas), who was also a Fleming
and a cousin of Freskin. As David
settled in to assume the Scottish throne, he had no idea that his 29-year-reign
would become a hallmark in Scottish history. His son Henry
(1115-1152) remained in England
as 2nd Earl of Huntingdon.
The reign of David I Caennmor
(1124-1153) is remembered for two things. A new Norman-English system was one.
The second was almost three decades of semi-peace and economic advancement for
the struggling kingdom as a whole. He minted the first national coinage since Roman times. He installed a centralized government
where close advisors helped him rule by committee. He brought in a national
justice system, with justiciars and royally appointed sheriffs in charge of
jurisdictions. He granted borough status to towns and he encouraged foreign
trade with France, Germany and the Netherlands. He continued to form
new bishoprics and found and endowed new abbeys, monasteries and churches. It
was during the foundation of these church estates that our name is first
recorded in royal charters. David’s
reign saw the formation of great abbeys and cathedral chapters at Kinloss, Melrose, Dundrennan, Kelso, Holyrood, Jedburgh and Dunfermline. He brought Benedictines, Augustinians and
Cistercians to man the new sites. In rural areas like Creighton, he established
important priories, deaneries and convents. The hamlet of Dean Crechtune
(shown as Creighton Dean on a map of 1820) near Falla Dam
came from this time period. Throughout the Kingdom, the older Celtic Church
was almost extinct.
Because of his rapport with his
brother-in-law, Henry I, and his
lordship of Huntingdon, King David
was also able to claim control, for Scotland,
the three northernmost counties of England. These were the old
counties of Northumberland, Cumberland
and Westmoreland. At the same time, through
intermarriage, family connections and diplomacy, he acquired the outlying
western islands, which had been in Norse hands for centuries. During his reign,
Scotland
was larger in land area than any other time in her history. The knights who
accompanied him to Scotland
received great charters of land, placing his Norman
and Flemish friends in charge of entire regions. Walter Fitzallen Steward
of Dol obtained estates in East Lothian and
Renfrew. Robert
de Brus was granted Annandale, while Robert de
Comyn became lord of lands in Roxburgh and would
become David’s chancellor. The knight
Baillol (de Bailleuil) received lands in Galloway, but resided in Cumbria. For the Flemish knights, David placed them on the western borders. With Baldwin de
Fleming at Biggar in Lanarkshire, Freskin in West Lothian and Moray and William Douglas
at Clydesdale, he formed a barrier to the disgruntled Highlanders. Freskin was
ancestor of Clan Murray and held identical (ancient) arms as that of Douglas.
As the country changed, so too
did the lands of Creighton. In Malcolm’s
time, Thorstan had maintained the old stone tower at Dun Creighton, but had
dismantled much of the surrounding buildings and ancient walls. Whatever
defensive position it once held was lost, through neglect or lack of knowledge.
Thorstan was first a farmer and through the generations, much home etiquette
had reverted back to the older Celtic Briton tribalism. One of his sons had
fought in Wales
against William
Rufus, bringing back a Cymry wife
and long forgotten customs. The son was Ranulf Crechtune,
the 8th such named since the time of Ranulf of Chrightoun. On a terrace
overlooking the Tyne below the stone tower,
Ranulf had constructed an ancient Cymry home, to which even Thorstan could not
relate. It was an earthlodge, circular in shape and set halfway into the native
soil. It had become a local oddity, its construction watched by half the
townspeople. It was 40 feet in diameter and three feet below grade. Strong
timbers stood all around the perimeter forming a wall 7 feet tall. Horizontal
timbers were locked around the top of this wall. Four tall posts were set
upright in the center and crowned with cross braces. Long poles were then set
all around one end resting on the top of the outer wall and the smaller ends
tied to the top bracing of the center poles. Smaller saplings were then woven
in and out through the rafters, forming a great inverted basket. To this,
layers of thatching were applied. The entire structure was then covered with
packed earth.
Perhaps because Thorstan never
had the opportunity to travel abroad, he strove to provide for his many sons.
He was well aware of the family past and had raised his offspring to appreciate
what they once were. His father’s ancient shield hung proudly over the great
fireplace. Through the patronage of his father-in-law de Lavedre
of Lauderdale, Thorstan was able to send Thurstan to England for training at Salisbury
Cathedral. Styled after the French universities, Salisbury contained a small but important
school at the cathedral on Castle Hill, overlooking old Sarum on the River
Avon. Nestled behind the royal castle was Bishop Roger le Poor’s residence. Thurstan de
Crechtune would be well placed to advance, without
going to France,
as his ancestors had done.
He went with his uncle, Robert, from East Creighton,
who was a cleric and often used diplomat to Henry’s
court. Thurstan was fresh from his preliminary schooling at Preston Abbey. In London, Father Crechtune
introduced the young man to the queen, who in turn introduced him to bishop
Rodger le Poor. This man, who was my mother’s ancestor, was the greatest
opportunist of the times. Brought in as King Henry’s chaplain, he was elevated
from the rank of lowly parish priest of Avranches to Bishop of Salisbury, Chief
Justiciar and Lord High Chancellor* of England by 1103. He was the first
Viceroy, acting as ruler in Henry’s
absence. When Thurstan met him in 1115, Bishop Roger was the strongest man in the
Kingdom, owning the great castles of Devises in Wiltshire as well as at of Sheborne Abbey
in Somerset.
His sons, nephews and cousins, all from the ancestral House of Poher, were
fellow bishops, royal chancellors, justiciars or court clerks. Queen Matilda put up with
him for her husband’s sake. Princess Matilda,
granddaughter of Malcolm
Ceannmor and future Empress,
despised him as a charlatan. Loved or hated, the rotund bishop and chancellor
cheerfully escorted Crechtune and his nephew to Salisbury Cathedral. Like many
bishops and clergy, he was an absentee official of his own diocese, spending
most of his time at Devises, held by his mistress, Matilda of Ramsbury.
Thurstan, used to the pious Scottish church, was not impressed with the
‘modern’ Norman Church of Rome.
*One note on the position of Lord Chancellor: the
ecclesiastical branch in both countries held this high position, also used in Scotland in the
next reign, for generations. This is one reason why many sought to send their
sons to good universities. Mastering in secular and ecclesiastic studies, they
received degrees that allowed them a wide range of careers.
It was while a student at Salisbury that Thurstan
began taking the Norman ‘de’ as part of his surname. This cathedral school was
a precursor to the great colleges of Cambridge
and Oxford and
although Roman Catholic, it taught
liberalism that bordered on secular tenants. Even the clergy held secular and
liberal views, allowing Thurstan
de Crechtune to form new outlooks
on the world. Bishop Roger
had begun a large collection of books at the cannon school. Thurstan while
mastering Latin and reviewing Greek and Roman
history, discovered possible links to his family name in unusual places. He
found a play by Cratinus the Elder of Athens. In other books, he discovered
commentaries on Cratinus the Younger. This gave him an eye to the ancient world
and encouraged his studies in all areas, especially languages. He not only
excelled in Latin, Greek and French, but also learned Aramaic and Arabic. He
was one of a growing breed of secular scholars who saw the Moslem conflicts in
the Holy Lands as a threat to Christianity. He also became aware of financial
gains to be had as a result of the troubles in Palestine.
When he was five, Pope Urban II
had called upon the Byzantine Empire of Constantinople to join with the West in
a crusade to drive the Seljuk Turks from Jerusalem.
The First Crusade, begun in 1095 and Jerusalem,
was conquered from “The Saracen Yoke” of infidels in 1099, leaving Godfrey of
Bouillon and Baldwin and Eustace of Flanders in
charge as rulers of Palestine.
Now as Thurstan worked at his studies, he realized that these warring petty
nobles of France and Flanders were now great kings of the orient, offering
fiefdoms and rewards to all who joined them. He decided that if he were ever to
return to Creighton, it would be as a knight and a rich man.
Through a roundabout series of
events, Thurstan ingratiated himself with Bishop Roger, who was making many improvements to
his castles and cathedral. With the bishop’s help, the young man left school in
112o as squire to one of Rodger’s knights of Devises, bound for a pilgrimage to
the Holy Land. Roger
sought sacred relics for his new cathedral and promises from the military
orders of Jerusalem
to help pay for the construction. Thurstan would play the role of squire and
also that as clerk of the expedition. If they encountered Saracens along the
way, he would act as interpreter. If they succeeded and met Bishop Roger’s
expectations, he would see to it that Thurstan be knighted and rewarded
financially for his participation.
The pilgrimage followed a path
that had been used for many centuries. With Thurstan went knights and squires
from many surrounding castles, all under the wardship of the Earl of Salisbury.
A fellow student from the new center at Oxford
joined them, who had set as his mission the transport of his father’s heart to
be entombed at the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. This young man carried with
him his father’s tunic, emblazoned with the red cross of the First Crusade. He
had fought at Jerusalem
in 1099 as a standard bearer, carrying the great cross into battle against the
Turks. For his heroism, he was awarded the name Crosbie. This family soon would
be established as de Bruce under-tenants in Dumfries.
All along the way were roadside
stops, down the Acquitaine coast to Marseilles
and on into Italy.
These pilgrimage way stations had made the sacred journey big business. One of
the primary reasons the crusades began in the first place was the cessation of
pilgrimages to Palestine
by the Turks. The church as a whole and the local landowners along the route
lost too much income. For 200 years it remained a major thoroughfare through
seven separate crusades. For those returning from the Holy Lands, sacred
‘relics’ could be bought, mass-produced and pawned off as legitimate objects of
antiquity; how many ‘saints bones’ originated from exhumed pieces from the
burial sites of Gaul?
Thurstan de Crechtune’s 18
months in and around the Holy
City was anti-climactic. Jerusalem had become a melting pot of northerners, from Germany, France,
Flanders, the Netherlands
and Britain.
The country called Palestine had been subdivided
into a slew of small principalities, held by force by men who had fought each
other back in Europe. As counts and earls of
the Frankish regions, they set out with devote aims to free the Holy Lands, but
once in place as petty kings, greed took over. They lived like potentates,
surrounded by the riches stolen from the ‘infidels.’ Lesser knights who made up
the bulk of the fighting force were often fifth or sixth sons of home lords.
These men were landless, but acquired fiefdoms in Palestine. The Eastern Church of
Constantinople, once they helped drive out the Turks, were set aside as allies
as great military orders took over. These, the Hospittalers, The Knights
Templar and the Teutonic Knights, rose as paramount leaders of Palestine and Christendom as
‘warrior-priests’ of the three Holy Orders.
Only once did Thurstan have to
bear arms, to protect his knight from an ambush. The Knight of Devises had been
sent out to carry dispatches to a small post east of the city. Along the way, a
band of Seljurks attacked them at a river ford. The Knight was wounded almost
immediately by an arrow, which took him under the armpit. Thurstan stood his
ground over his fallen lord, fending off four mounted Turks with his sword
until the other men rallied to drive the bandits away. The knight lived,
rewarding Crechtune with a beautiful silver shield and a stipend of gold. He
was promised knighthood when they returned to Britain later that year.
Once back in England,
Thurstan found that his knighting was not on the list of priorities. Through
service as an interpreter and other diplomatic activities, his cache of gold
had increased considerably on the return journey. Bishop
Roger praised him for his
abilities, but left it at that. He left Wiltshire and headed north, working at
various estates along the way. At Hampton, he met the assemblage of
men who revolved around David of Huntingdon, ready to claim his throne. The
Crosbie Squire was there and through him, Thurstan met Robert de Brus
and then David
Ceannmor. One night as they sat at
high table with the soon to be king, both men were asked to tell of the Holy
Lands. It was Crosbie who related Thurstan’s role at the ford, which impressed
the Earl. He was well aware of the
House of Crechtune and their past role with his parents. In a move to solidify
his home assets, he knighted both Crosbie and Crechtune.
The King’s crowning in 1124 was
strictly symbolic. He had reigned as joint ruler with his brother since 1107
and many of his lieutenants, like Robert de Brus,
already retained titles to lands within David’s
jurisdiction. Thurstan, of course, retained title to the family lands of
Creighton, but was now close to the King. As part of the ‘new order,’ he
incorporated many Norman themes into his fiefdom. First and foremost was the
family fortress, which was in extreme disrepair since he left for school in England nine
years before. On the lowlands east of Long Crechtune village, he began
construction of a manor house. There had been a residence here for generations,
where junior family members had often used it as a farm headquarters. Inspired
by Bishop Rodger’s
use of stone in his own building projects, the young lord reopened the ancient
quarries on the south side of Bankhead. He set his
under-tenants to work on his big house.
Dun Creighton was another story.
It was his birthplace, where his father had recently passed away. Many stones
in its walls and foundations dated back to Roman
times, covered with the graffiti of many generations. With help from his
brothers and the townspeople, the ancient stone tower was dismantled carefully
and set aside. It took weeks of labor to mark certain stones for reuse. Rotting
timbers were stacked and burned. Finally clear of old structures, the site was
graded and prepared for a new building.
Motte and bailey means ‘mound
and enclosure.’ Great and small, the Norman-style castle covered Britain as the
first line of defense. Between Dun Creighton and Edinburgh
stood Dalkeith Castle the strongest in the shire. Wood was still the material of choice, but Thurstan’s timber
supply was dwindling and was a primary source of income from his sawmills. East
on the high moor of Bankhead, windbreak trees were
all that remained of a once deep forest. The Romans and his ancestors used
stone, so he would follow suit.
The site already sat halfway
down the slope toward the river. His uncle’s old earth lodge was hardly
visible, blending into the heather-crowned greenery close to the Tyne. A wide terrace was created where the old stone
tower had stood. This was mounded and smoothed. In the center, Thurstan began
laying great foundation stones set 10 feet into the bedrock base, forming a pit
dungeon. When the walls reached head high from ground level, giant timbers were
placed as floor joists. Sheathed with planking and then tiled with flagstone,
the first floor was established. The main structure was a combination of
upright timbers cribbed between with dressed stone; the walls were four feet
thick. A second floor contained sleeping quarters, where a retractable ladder
accessed the roof from a hatch in the ceiling. On the roof, a small guard tower
completed the defense system. This tower house was the Norman
‘Keep.’ Attached to the west wall on the downhill side was a kitchen, as solid
as the tower. In the floor in front of the great cooking fireplace was a
concealed hatch that was the only point of entry to the pit dungeon below the
main structure. On the north wall, a narrow entry formed the one access to the
fortress. It was eight feet from the ground and also had a retractable stair,
as its only entrance to the tower. This was the forerunner of the drawbridge,
so often seen in movies of medieval times.
The ‘bailey,’ tower,
outbuildings and stables were all enclosed by a steep ramp of earth and
discarded stone in a great perimeter wall. On top of the wall was placed a
palisade of pointed timbers, with catwalks along the top; too small to be
called a castle and too large to be a simple home, Dun Creighton now conformed
with King David’s wish to bring Scotland into the 12th century.
Scottish lords everywhere followed suit, these primitive tower-homes would
symbolize their local fiefdoms and baronies for generations to come. In 1128,
David I King of Scots recorded Thurstan
de Crechtune as witness to his
charter for the foundation of Holyrood House Abbey, near Edinburgh.
About this time, David soured in his views with the English. Henry I, his mentor and brother-in-law, built a
strong English castle on the Tweed in
traditional Scottish territory. It was called Castle Wark, with the English
Northumbrian, Walter
Espec, as Henry’s
lord-in-residence. This violation of Scottish autonomy infuriated David and he began a campaign of guerilla warfare to
drive Espec from his lands.
King Henry I died in 1135 and for twenty
years his daughter Matilda waged a
civil war with his nephew Stephen of Bloise for the succession. Stephen seized the crown, but faced many barons who
gave their allegiance to Matilda. David Ceannmor
stood behind her, as well. The split in loyalty tore England to its roots. Some Scottish
lords sided with Stephen’s camp,
against their king’s wishes. Robert
de Bruce Lord of Annandale
was one, who relinquished his lands to fight for Stephen
in England.
Before departing, he left his son Robert de Bruce
as Earl of Annandale. With the elder Bruce
went the ancient arms, a red rampant lion. The younger Bruce,
in defiance of his father, took as his own a red saltire and chief on a gold
field. This Bruce shield would
eventually tie into that of the arms of Creighton.
David I took
advantage of the English turmoil to attack. Thinking King
Stephen to be preoccupied in the
south as well as with uprisings in Normandy,
he gathered a large force and in 1137, rode for Wark
Castle on the Tweed.
In Scottish histories he was a peace-loving king. In Catholic histories, he was
a saint and son of a greater saint, Margaret of Hungary. In English histories
written by men caught up in his war, he was the head of a warband of pagan
rapists and plunderers who lay waste the entire north. He was in reality
similar to those that he fought. It was a time of great local lords who ruled
with cruelty and lack of human compassion. On the other hand, the church
enveloped these men, placing them as patrons of the church, as devout followers
of their ideals. They could co-mingle as Christian knights in the Holy Lands,
only to return home as traditional enemies and kill one another without a
backward glance.
With the biased histories come
conflicting reasons for David’s invasion
of England.
Many place him in the same mold as the earlier Saxon hordes and Viking raiders,
burning towns and monasteries as he devastated the countryside. In truth, he
had many reasons, some personal and some to protect Scotland. Empress
Matilda was the only child of his
sister Maud and Henry
I, being the legal heir to the throne. The rift in England lay in Matilda’s earlier marriage to the hated Geoffrey Plantagenet,
Duke of Anjou. This is why half of the English barons favored the usurper
Stephen of Bloise, grandson of William
I. If David only thought of helping Matilda’s cause, he would have gone through
diplomatic channels to offer his services.
His primary goal, foremost, was
to drive Walter Espec from Scottish lands, second, but just as important, was
to take by force his lands of Huntingdon for his son Henry. King Stephen refused to
grant the earldom to the Prince of Cumbria. David
thought that if he could capture York, the King would be forced to
honor the hereditary inheritance begun by King Henry. In 1137, David
called his barons to Edinburgh,
including Thurstan
de Crechtune. He assembled an army
and placed his nephew William
MacDuncan second in charge. While
he lost Robert
de Bruce of Annandale to the English side, he retained an
equal-ranking defector from Northumberland. This was Earl Eustace
FitzJohn of Alnwick, the castle
where David’s father had died 44 years
before.
FitzJohn brought his forces
north and teamed with MacDuncan, who led a mounted force of Lothian and Berwick
men against Wark. While the Lowlanders besieged the castle, David rallied the remainder of the country to action.
Many came down from the Highlands and the
western shores of Argyle because of MacDuncan, son of Duncan Bane Lord
of the Isles. The younger Robert
de Bruce and William de
Comyn were influential in bringing in the Galwegian Picts
and Britons of Strathclyde and Galloway, the ancient
bulwark of Scottish defense. Once assembled near Dalkeith, David led his ‘common’ army south through Creighton
lands to the Tweed and castle Wark, near Coldstream Abbey.
While some were left under the command of two of his Lothian barons to continue
the siege, the King led his army into England. Twice, he was stopped and
turned back, but not before storming lands in Durham and Northumberland. By August 1138, he
formed once more at the Tweed in full strength while Stephen’s
army was in southern England.
Unopposed, he struck deep into Yorkshire.
With no real military support
stationed at York,
the counts and earls brought their home militias in under the leadership of Archbishop Thurstan of York.
He called the warlords to arms under the banners of Saints Peter, John and Wilfred,
planting the holy battle standards on a wagon on long staffs. King Stephen sent his
aid, Bernard
de Balliol, north to team with the
senior Robert
de Bruce to attempt to negotiate a
truce with King David.
Ceannmor refused to negotiate once he learned that his son would not be
recognized as Earl of Huntingdon.
The two armies met three miles
from Northallerton, Yorkshire, on two opposing
hills close to the Great North
Road. The Scottish Common Army outnumbered the
hastily assembled Northumbrian militia force, but the English faced David in defiance from their hill. The battle
standards were placed at the summit, surrounded by dismounted knights and rings
of archers and foot soldiers. The Scots, long trained as fighters, held the
numerical and military advantage. David,
from atop the adjoining hill, saw the weakness in English forces and planned
the attack. As soon as he assembled his leaders, the Glaswegians stood in his
way.
As remnants of the ancient Kingdom of Strathclyde,
the men of Dumfries and Galloway had, by
tradition, the right to lead the battle. Against his better wishes, David conceded to their demands. The Galwegians
fought as they always had, loosely formed and loyal to their immediate chief
alone. With Celtic shields, longswords and pict (pick) axes (the weapon of
choice of the ancient Picts), they presented a formidable force. David placed these men in the center to lead the
charge. Prince Henry,
with his Cumbrian archers, western Highlanders and mounted knights took the
right, while the Lowlanders, led by FitzJohn and the Lothian earls, formed the
left. Thurstan formed his men of Creighton under the blue lion banner as the
Galwegians began their uphill assault with screaming battle cries.
The English still called these
wild men of Galloway
Picts, although they were, by
1138, a mixture of many races. In small clan units, the Britons had borrowed
the Pict ‘colors’ and painted their bodies blue, in symbolic designs. The
Scottish Highlanders also adapted this form of ‘war paint.’ Centuries before
the plaid tartan kilts, the Cymry descendants of the Brigante still fought in
‘dragon’ formations, preferring to go into battle almost naked. Many still
spiked their long hair with clay and lime, making a frightful and outlandish
display of ferocity. Although the English may have been terrified at their
numbers and appearance, they held their ground and their archers took a
terrible toll as the Galwegians advanced up the hill. King
David, to the rear of the men of Galloway with the bulk of the
infantrymen, saw that the battle was already lost.
Prince Henry attempted to take his Cumbrian
cavalry around and attack the far right and his sudden charge took the English
unaware. The Cumbrians smashed through the ranks of archers, but instead of
turning on the rear of the English forces, which would have won the day, he
went past to drive the English horses from the battlefield. This foray broke
down into individual horse stealing as his men abandoned the battle. In the
process, the prince and his men cut themselves off from David’s
army. The distraught King quit the field and led his men away, leaving over
10,000 dead or unaccounted for. The Battle
of the Standards was over.
This sometimes peaceful,
sometimes warlike squabbling over the Borders counties along the Tweed continued for almost 200 years. The castle of Wark became the symbol of Scottish
resistance or English occupation for many generations. The ‘war zone,’ however,
remained in the west and north, as the ancient earldoms and chieftainships of
the Highlands and the Western Isles stood against what they saw as an
Anglo-Norman government based in Edinburgh. With Scotland
extending far into England
during the time of David I, the
English forced the border north to the Forth
in ensuing reigns, allowing them to build new castles as garrisons all through
the eastern lands. Many old Scottish families threw in with the English,
causing discord everywhere. Until the early 14th century, the
southern zone from Berwick to Wigtown (West Galloway)
remained relatively peaceful, however, with the Lothians providing the center
of commerce and government activity. From Yorkshire to the Forth,
the culture was mainly that of coexistence, as if the border did not exist for
the common man.
For another three generations,
the hereditary Barony of Creighton maintained its ancient autonomy. The family remained ‘Lothian,’ but little by
little, they began to acquire lands outside of their traditional range, like
many of their neighbors. During the early Border Wars of David I, men from all
quarters fought side by side, forming alliances and friendships. Lasting ties
were made and planned marriages brought unions of families far distant in
locations.
During the reign of Henry II
Plantagenet of England, the
art of Heraldry came full circle, making one of his sons (Geoffrey Plantagenet)
the first recipient of royally appointed arms. The practice became not only a
law of the land but a craze all over Europe.
The barons in both England
and Scotland
sought acclaim and notice, marrying into powerful families was one way to
accomplish this goal. In this case, two houses would be displayed on a single,
quartered shield, showing both husband’s and wife’s family blazon. Carved into
the foundation stones of Dun Creighton, amongst the centuries of graffiti, can
still be seen the Creighton lion quartered with other family emblems of
antiquity.
Just as often wives acquired for
social and economic advancement, were ‘disposed of,’ where the barons (and
sometime kings) cast aside one wife in favor of another, more lucrative union.
For the genealogist, this practice presents innumerable obstacles. The Scottish
houses, especially, intertwined to such a degree that it was like a giant ball
of multi-colored yarn, rolled across the countryside by the wind; the twisted
ball becomes tied in a million places and, try as you will, you may never
unravel the colors to their original arrangement.
Thurstan de Crechtune, if he
survived the Border Wars, would have lived through much of the reign of Henry II (1154-1189), dying around 1177. A hardened
warrior-knight of the Crusades, statesman, diplomat and Baron of Creighton, he
would have been an ideal character study, but nothing is known of him other
than his being witness to the foundation of Holyrood House Abbey. Perhaps he
was present at Carlisle in 1153 with King David, as the
elderly King personally crowned the son of his niece, the Empress Matilda. Henry I was the first Angevian King of England (Dukes of Anjou), whose official
coronation was held one year later at Westminster.
David died soon after crowning Henry, at peace among his gardens at Carlisle, leaving his infant grandson Malcolm IV (the Maiden) King of Scots
(1153-1165).
It would have been during this
time that Thurstan’s sons would have come to prominence. His elder son would
have lived from about 1124-1200, becoming of age politically around 1153, when David I died. In England,
the Age of Empire had begun as Henry
attached Wales and Ireland to his
kingdom. Through his marriage with Eleanor of Aquitaine, he acquired much of France
as well. The Scots began looking to the Frankish kingdoms for support, knowing Henry would also try to pacify Scotland. Aside
from the eldest Creighton sons (as hereditary barons) from 1153-1240, the
remaining junior class would have sought any means available for personal
advancement.
THE LION AND THE ROSE
The Holy Crusades were at their
height, drawing many toward the ranks of the knights of many lands. Attached to
noble houses, they sought the capture of fellow knights (or infidels) in
battle, gaining riches from their ransom. The Crusades brought this custom to a
fine art and is the basis for the beginning of many ‘first families’ of title.
Others would have followed traditional means, the university training, the
clergy, the diplomatic field or civil positions within government. Schooling in
the great universities meant everything and the Lowland Scots were highly
intelligent. Then, in 1159, a new opportunity opened to the forward thinking
Scots. It came as a result of the Holy Order of the Teutonic Knights.
They had been founded as
Prussian knights, preparing for the First Crusade in Jerusalem. As the Crusade wore on from
1095-1099, they swore a vow of celibacy, living a monastic lifestyle, but
continuing in their warlike pursuits. By 1159, they were becoming despotic
warlords of Northern Europe, building great
castles and aligning themselves with German duchies.
In the Netherlands, the merchant fleets of Zeeland and
southern Denmark had
controlled the North Sea trade for centuries.
Since the time of Ranulf of Creighton, Scottish and Northumbrian lords had
shared in this trade, taking them to the far reaches of the east Baltic lands.
There, they competed with the northern Danes and Swedes, who had spread their
trading net deep into the Russian Steppes. The rich market in sable, mink and
ermine, along with other exotic items, amber in particular, drew many to this
business. In 1159, an elite corps of Flemish Hollanders and North Germans
formed a trade union called the Hanseatic League,
to monopolize the expanding network.
The Greater Netherlands in the
mid-12th century had become rich, in part due to the Holy Crusades.
Countries as we know them today did not yet exist; the entire northern region
was an accumulation of individual duchies and city-states. For the most part,
the leading houses recognized no ‘national’ boundaries. The Rhine estuary, ancient homeland of the
Belgae-Gauls had become a strong group of related duchies under the Counts of
Flanders. In what is today Belgium,
the southern regions of Holland and parts of
western Germany,
trade flourished. The Frankish Burundians were beginning to make inroads into
this region as well. The Flemish House of Baldwin (Baudouin) controlled much of
the region and also ruled from the Holy Lands as kings and counts of Christian Palestine.
The Flemish knights who were granted Scottish lands by David I King of Scots; Douglas, Murray, Fleming, Leaske and their tenants, helped tie the Scottish
Lowlands with the Low Countries. The formation
of the Hanseatic League brought all together.
To achieve it’s rapid
development, the League required diligent management as well as military clout.
The Holy Order of the Teutonic Knights supplied this service. They began
erecting strong castles all across coastal Germany to guard trading posts and
shipping ports. The sea loving Frisians of North Holland and the citizens of
Zeeland supplied management, ships and crews, while Scotsmen from the Lowlands provided clerks and additional staff. These
Scots were those trained at the great universities and were naturally prone,
with the Northumbrians, to travel and adventure. With the trading fleets went
as many clergymen, for the eastern lands were still pagan. The church was
anxious to bring the Slavic people to Christianity before the Muslims reached
them. Again, the warrior-monks of the Teutonic Knights led the way.
One of the achievements that David Ceannmor
is remembered for is his support and patronage of the ‘military orders.’ In
1159, the Teutonic Knights, the Knights Templar and the Hospittalers were the
only three in existence. Although David
probably bestowed lands and benefices to all of them, the Teutonic Knights were
‘closer to home,’ for Lowlands Scotland was an extension of Germanic Europe.
During David’s reign, Scotland
blossomed upon the world stage as a partner in many trade arrangements with
European neighbors. It was the men who comprised his zone of advisors, from
Berwick to Lanarkshire that provided the brains and money to undertake many of
these ventures. I suspect that the Lothian Creightons
and the Lanarkshire
Douglases first unified during
these years, perhaps through marriages of mutual needs. In less than 100 years,
they would emerge as a combined strength that would rattle Scotland for
many generations.
Thurstan de Crechtune’s
youngest son would have been in his fifties in 1188. Military service may have
been his only option to gain lands and wealth; the barony would have gone to
his elder brother. William the Lion
was King of Scots and in that year, the King sent his brother, David Earl
of Huntingdon, to the Crusades. With him went a Creighton neighbor, Robertus de
Lavedre of Lauder. With the Earl
would have gone many from the Lowlands, Cumberland
and Northumberland. The younger Creighton, probably already a veteran knight,
would have had one or more sons of fighting age who may have accompanied their
father. While in Palestine,
de Lavedre became a knight and the Earl of
Huntingdon awarded him a seal (family crest) for his bravery. This shows how
the individual family arms evolved piece-by-piece, altering and adjusting to
the times and events of history. Creighton the Younger and his son would have
used the original rampant blue lion, but even this would have shown some
variation from the eldest brother’s hereditary arms. One family blazon that
almost matched that of Creighton was Home (also Hume).
This was a family of note from Roxburghshire, which had ancient ties to the
earls of Northumbria.
Their family arms were white with the rampant blue lion identical to that of
Creighton, but displaying a red flory-counterflory border.
The
Angevian kings of England,
descended from Henry
II Plantagenet
(also Fitz Empress), had become more hostile to Scotland with each new reign. The
Scottish royal line of Malcolm
Ceannmor, on the other hand, was
in decline. Thomas
Chrichtoun’s life paralleled that
of the reign of Alexander
III (1249-1286),
the last Ceannmor king.
Thomas Chrichtoun (1240-1303) would have been
the great-grandson of Thurstan
de Crechtune and son of William de
Crechtune (1210-1282). He had a brother Alexander who held lands in Berwick. One man often
shown as his son was Nicholas
Chrichtoun, who I feel was a
younger brother. Thomas inherited the
Creighton lands; Nicholas may have
held joint ownership or obtained new lands in Roxburgh near Jedburgh. Thomas’ sons, John,
William and Thomas Chrichtoun
were alive through the explosive years of the infant queen Margaret the Maid (1286-1290) and Edward I ‘Longshanks’ of England (1272-1307). The House of
Creighton began its journey away from the ancient family seat.
These were high times in
Scottish history and deserve a simple, but accurate telling. To many,
especially Americans, it is the only piece of Scottish history that they are
familiar with. It was the time of William Wallace,
as played by Mel
Gibson in ‘Braveheart.’ As
often happens, Hollywood
distorted history beyond reason and highly oversimplified known events.
Definitive histories, many written in the 1800s, are so detailed and scholarly
that Einstein could not follow the web of characters
and events.
It had begun in 1286 when the
King, Alexander
III, died without
naming a successor to the Scottish throne. Immediately, the ‘Lord Protectors’
earls of Moray, Caithness, Ross, Mar and others called for traditional councils
to name a new king. Because there had been so many intermarriages between the
families of William the Lion and his
close allies, half of Scotland
claimed title to the crown. High on this list were members of the houses of Stewart, Bruce,
Comyn and Balliol. Younger houses, like that of Douglas claimed title through marriage
to one or the other ‘royal’ lines. The Creightons as well could have had early
unions with these families. It presented a complicated mess of dangerous
intrigue.
The English
King Edward I, unlike the
character in Braveheart, was actually a highly principled monarch. He had a
special tie with Scotland.
Being born and raised in nearby Cumberland, he
knew the ruling clans and Houses on both sides of the Solway
Firth. He personally favored the Cumbrian family Balliol, but sent
his emissaries to Edinburgh
to help solve the dispute. All decided, after much bickering, that there was
one surviving heir and relative of the Ceannmor line. She was Princess Margaret, a
small child living in Norway
since birth. King Edward
offered his services to help bring her home, but four years later, while on her
journey to be crowned, she died at sea. The Mormaer earls and wealthy barons
had ruled in the child’s absence, and at word of her death asked Edward I to
chose a new king. From a list of 19 claimants, Edward
chose his countryman, John
Balliol Earl of Galloway (1150-1333).
Balliol’s mother, a Galwegian, claimed direct descent from Kenneth Macalpine,
making Balliol as close to the throne as any other claimant. Once he obtained
the crown, he immediately cut ties with England and began a rebellion. Edward I was preparing to go to war with France.
Balliol chose to seek aid from the French. In 1294, he negotiated “The Aulde
Alliance” with Philip
IV, formalizing a
compact that had been active informally for 400 years. It would last, to both
countries’ advantage, for another 400.
The Balliol years of 1290-1306
were called “TheInterregrums,” where an English monarch dictated the workings
of Scottish sovereignty. Leading up to Balliol’s crowning, Edward I had swayed many southern lords to join the
English side. Using their lands and castles, he began sending troops to occupy
them until he controlled much of Berwick, Roxburgh and Lothian. In 1296 he
traveled to Berwick
Castle and called for an
assembly of Scottish lords and barons to hear his ultimatum. Called the ‘Ragman
Rolls,’ the Lords of Scotland were to swear fealty (total allegiance) to the
English king, or be declared outlaw. Each man who swore the oath signed his
name. Facing loss of